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  • Verifying Taliban violence

    Verifying Taliban violence AW has verified several reports and recordings from recent months. 16 Nov 2021 Since the Taliban takeover in August, there have been frequent videos posted on social media of the Taliban using violence against apparent civilians and protesters . Besides incidents at female-led protests, the context for most of the violence is difficult to verify, but there have been a number of recorded attacks on apparent civilians that have circulated on social media in recent weeks and months. The following is a selection of incidents verified by the Afghan Witness (AW) OSINT team: ● On the 8th November, a video posted on Twitter showed four alleged Taliban members chasing and beating a man in the 6th police district of Kabul. One news outlet claimed the man was the son of Ibrahim Achakzai, a member of the Taliban's Qatar political bureau, who was beaten by members of the Haqqani network. However, these claims are unconfirmed. ● On 26th October, images posted by Aamaj News on Twitter showed a Taliban member standing on a vehicle and appearing to hit a man. This footage was geolocated to the 2nd police district in Kabul. Eyewitness reports say the incident happened after a “Taliban vehicle collided with a taxi in Kart-e-Parwan, Kabul, a Taliban member climbed into a taxi and hit the driver out of an open window with a shotgun.” On 7th September, videos shared on Twitter by Afghan journalist, Bilal Sarwary, show Taliban members hitting several people - male and female - near Kadan University, though the context surrounding this incident remains unknown. ● On 18th August, a video posted on Twitter showed a man being beaten near Kabul airport, allegedly for seeking to leave the country. There have been multiple other incidents of apparent excessive force used against civilians from around the country, which AW continues to log and verify where possible. Share

  • No peace for Buddhas of Bamiyan under Taliban

    No peace for Buddhas of Bamiyan under Taliban Are sites of historic importance safe under the Taliban? 12 Nov 2021 In March 2001, the world watched in horror as the then Taliban government demolished the ‘Buddhas of Bamiyan’, two large figures carved into the rock over 1400 years ago. The destruction, ordered by the former leader of the Taliban Mullah Mohammed Omar, was seen as a symbol of the Taliban’s intolerance and triggered global condemnation. Now, footage geolocated by Afghan Witness appears to show Taliban fighters firing at the remnants of the site, which UNESCO includes on its list of World Heritage in Danger . In the video , posted to Twitter on 1st November, the filmer shows the cliffs at the site from a location near the larger Western Buddha (Salsal). Automatic gunfire can be heard from the 25-second mark, which the filmer says is coming from Taliban. At 36 seconds, the video cuts to a second view from the same location and zooms in on a car stationed on the road nearby, with several fighters standing next to it, as well as panning across to a niche in the cliffs – gunshots can still be heard. It appears the men are taking turns shooting at the niche, with one man handing the gun over to a second man who is seen raising the gun, aiming and firing at the cliffs at the 1-minute mark. The video is claimed to have been taken on September 4th, one month after the Taliban took control of the area. Analysis of the video indicated it had not been posted before that date, however AW was unable to confirm the exact date through OSINT methods. Figure: Panorama from video compared to satellite image of the Buddha statues Geolocation of the video: Location: 34°49'45.4"N 67°49'10.6"E Image: Man seen firing at the cliffs approximately 300m away (Capture from video) Image: The damage to Buddhas of Bamiyan after being blown up by the Taliban in March 2001 Image: A 3D projection of the 56-metre Salsal Buddha during a ceremony in March 2021 – before the Taliban's takeover – to mark the destruction of the Buddha by the Taliban 20 years ago. Share

  • Explosion targets pro-Taliban cleric in Herat

    Explosion targets pro-Taliban cleric in Herat Afghan Witness geolocated footage and images from the aftermath of the explosion - which Taliban officials say killed 18 people. 3 Sept 2022 On September 2, an explosion was reported at the Gazargah mosque in Herat. Officials said pro-Taliban cleric Maulavi Mujib ur-Rahman Ansari was among the 18 people killed , and that Ansari died alongside his brother, members of his security detail and civilians gathered for prayers in a suspected suicide blast. The attack is yet to be claimed, however, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) have previously made threats against the pro-Taliban cleric. If ISKP are the perpetrators of the attack, this will be the third scholar killed by the group in the past month. On August 11, Sheikh Maulavi Rahimullah Haqqani was killed in a targeted explosion in Kabul, and on August 17, Maulavi Amir Mohammad Kabuli was killed in a mosque in Kabul. Location of Khaja Abdulah Ansari Shrine, PD8 Herat [34.374616, 62.240370] Local officials say at least 23 people were wounded in the attack, but local reports suggest the total casualty figure could be significantly higher. A video shared by a journalist on Twitter shows the aftermath of the explosion. AW investigators were able to geolocate the footage, showing a large number of casualties, to the Khaja Abdulah Ansari Shrine in Herat’s police district (PD) 8. Geolocation of video showing the aftermath of the explosion at the Khaja Abdulah Ansari Shrine, PD8 Herat [34.374616, 62.240370] Geolocation of image showing the aftermath of the explosion at the Khaja Abdulah Ansari Shrine, PD8 Herat [34.373844, 62.239878] Photos and a video show a large number of family members of the dead and wounded outside the Herat Seminary Hospital. According to Hamid Haidari, an Afghan former news editor, officials at the Herat hospitals claimed that there were 47 dead and 84 injured in the explosion. Senior members of the Taliban have already commented on the killing of Ansari, including Taliban Spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid, and senior Doha-based Taliban member, Suhail Shaheen. State media outlets RTA Pashto and Kabul News TV both tweeted statements about the death of Ansari. On Twitter, Mujahid’s tweet announcing the death received over 3000 engagements at the time of writing. Background: Maulavi Muhjib ur-Rahman Ansari In 2020, the New York Times described Ansari as the “radical cleric” from Herat ‘igniting an Islamist resistance in Afghanistan’. According to the article, Ansari had carved out his own conservative constituency in the neighbourhood of Gazargah, the same area where the explosion on September 2 occurred. Ansari, who was reportedly 36 at the time of the article, had no previous relationship with the Taliban, however, his teachings show strong similarities with the group. Despite the similarities and his local implementation of strict Sharia law, the provincial Governor of Herat at the time, Abdul Wahid Qatali, stated that the government took no action against him, as he hadn’t picked up arms against them, and they did not want to “expend energy fighting this mullah.” The New York Times stated that Ansari’s followers believed he was a descendant of an 11th-century Sufi saint named Abdullah Ansari of Herat. The tomb of Saint Ansari is reportedly close to the mosque where the attack took place. Ansari announced his support to the Taliban just prior to their takeover in 2021. Since then, his relationship to central leadership has grown increasingly close, as he carved out a powerful position for himself. During the Loya Jirga (scholars conference) in late June and early July, he was one of the scholars invited to speak. In his speech, he argued that all those who oppose the Taliban’s governance should be beheaded . When speaking on punishing those who oppose the Taliban at the Loya Jirga, Ansari made many references to the ISKP, which likely made him a target for the group. On July 17, the ISKP al-Azaim foundation published a video titled “The Deadly Streets”. Although Ansari was not specifically mentioned in the video, it does feature footage of him claiming that he has “issued fatwas from [his] rotten stomach”. In another video released on July 29 called “The Meeting of Polytheists”, ISKP claims that all those who attended the scholars conference are “evil scholars”. He was also reportedly mentioned in their 62-page book condemning the conference, published on July 11. When considering the ISKP’s capabilities in perpetrating high-profile attacks on the Taliban and pro-Taliban targets in recent months, it is widely believed that ISKP are responsible. Share

  • Afghanistan’s teenage girls and the online teacher determined to help them

    Afghanistan’s teenage girls and the online teacher determined to help them In Afghanistan, girls’ secondary schools have been closed for 300 days and counting, but the country’s teenage girls - assisted by an international army of volunteers led by Angela Ghayour - are finding other ways to learn. 14 Jul 2022 *Afghan Witness has changed the names of the girls interviewed for this report. The night before girls’ secondary schools were set to re-open in Afghanistan, Parwana*, a 10th grade student from Herat, set her alarm clock and tried to sleep. “I couldn't sleep well due to the excitement,” she says, adding that she woke up several times during the night, thinking she’d overslept. “We were all very happy,” Parwana replies when asked about that morning. “Then one of our teachers entered the class and she seemed upset.” The teacher told Parwana and her classmates that from now on, they would have to come to school wearing “proper hijab” - something the pupils were surprised at, Parwana explains, as they had always observed Islamic hijab. That day, March 23, the Taliban backtracked on their decision to reopen schools for girls above grade six, which have been closed since their return last August. The next morning, Parwana and her friends went to their school anyway, only to find the gates firmly locked. “It was the most bitter experience of my life when I was turned away from the gates of my school,” Parwana says. “I could not eat or sleep properly the following weeks. I cried and shed tears watching the girls crying on national TV - and the journalists that cried for us.” A Taliban notice announced girls’ secondary schools would reopen after a decision over the uniform of female students was made in accordance with " Sharia law and Afghan tradition ". But after 300 days and counting of girls’ secondary schools being closed, a decision has yet to be made. “The Taliban’s ban on our education has no logic,” says Rafat*, an 11th grade student also from Herat. “The pretext they hold onto around adhering to hijab is baseless. Afghanistan has [always] been an Islamic country and despite having different personalities and choices, we have always observed hijab.” Neda*, a first year university student, graduated from high school only one month before the Taliban takeover. While she narrowly escaped the closure of girls’ secondary schools, she says many members of her family and friends have been affected. “I think the Taliban's decision has become a good excuse for conservative families who never like the idea of sending their daughters to schools - I think they were looking for an excuse,” she says. “Bright and open-minded families on the other hand, send their daughters to private schools, other educational courses or centres, and many are studying at home.” Organisations such as Pen Path have campaigned continually for girls’ secondary schools to reopen, and claim to have enabled 5,300 girls to access online and secret schools. As well as house-to-house campaigns, they have also held frequent online protests - a work-around the Taliban's restrictions on protests. Rafat tells Afghan Witness (AW) that the closure of the schools has impacted girls differently, having a disproportionate impact on those from poorer backgrounds. “I personally attend English language courses - but not everybody has had this privilege,” she explains. “Afghanistan’s economy has collapsed and many families are struggling to make the ends meet.” An outlet for online learning Angela Ghayour knows how it feels to be unable to go to school. Born in Herat, she and her family left for Iran in the early 1990s, when she was around eight years old. For the following five years, Angela was ineligible to attend school in Iran due to the family's temporary visa status. Angela says that as a young girl in Iran, she experienced what it was like to not have the right to education. She adds that putting conditions on education places stress on children due to “the constant possibility of losing your right”, and that “no child should experience tensions of this type.” After returning to Herat some years later, Angela studied Persian Literature and became a teacher. She moved to the Netherlands, where she taught refugees and migrants, and later to the UK, where she has been teaching Persian online. But when the Taliban took over, she realised her skills as a teacher could be used to help girls back home in Afghanistan. Angela established Herat Online School, and had over 800 people express interest in volunteering. According to Angela, Herat Online School runs 300 classes and has more than 3,000 students. Students are mainly in different provinces of Afghanistan, but around a quarter attend online classes from Iran or refugee camps in other countries. The teachers - a mixture of Persian and English speakers - are based in Iran and Afghanistan, as well as countries such as Canada and Brazil, and are matched with students based on their time zones. Angela says nearly 100 subjects are taught at the school, including arts, humanities, literacy, knitting and tailoring, as well as 17 languages. Students do not have to pay for classes, and Angela says the school has no source of financial assistance or funding, relying entirely on volunteers. While Herat Online School prides itself on its accessibility, Angela is aware that not everyone is privileged enough to have access. “Access to the internet is one of our main challenges,” she says. “Even if there is access to the internet, the prices have risen and people cannot afford that.” Neda makes a similar point: “Reaching out and talking to female pupils is not always easy as many of them do not have access to smartphones and the internet,” she says. Since the internet was introduced to Afghanistan two decades ago, the World Bank estimates that 13.5% of Afghans - most of whom are in urban areas - currently have access. But as Angela says, even if the internet is available, it doesn’t mean people can afford it. The United Nations (UN) has estimated that 500,000 jobs have been lost since the Taliban takeover. Angela explains that she has even written a letter to Elon Musk and talked to several communications companies in an attempt to convince them to lower their data prices - however, neither attempt was successful. She says she is still working on a solution, and is now calling for donations for students so they can afford access to the internet. “We have committed to do whatever we can with whatever we have in hand,” Angela says with determination. “We cannot wait for a day when people can have better access to the internet at affordable prices.” The strain on girls’ mental health Angela stresses that schools being closed not only impacts educational progress, but mental health. In recent months, medical professionals in the country have warned they are seeing a rise in depression , particularly among teenage girls. At the time of writing, Voice of America Dari (VOA) has also published an article on girls suffering from a range of mental conditions due to being out of school. “Girls are hopeless and they have written to me about their experiences and feelings,” Angela says. Due to concerns over students’ mental wellbeing, Angela says the online school has “80 psychotherapists who work with us voluntarily” to offer “psychotherapy sessions” to pupils. Parwana describes feeling a sense of “grief” and “loss” since her school closed. Rafat on the other hand says she has lost her sense of purpose: “I have halted my university entrance exam preparations,” she tells AW. “My father’s dream was that I would become a doctor one day. I have lost all my motivation and I no longer want to pursue that.” First year university student Neda says girls who were in their final years of school have been most impacted. “Once I was at an educational centre, a girl stood up and cried, saying that she was taking preparations to enter university but faced an uncertain future,” she recalls. “There are hearsays that girls will not be allowed to join university entrance exams.” Since boys’ schools have remained open, the Herat Online School was originally intended for girls only. However, the school has since expanded to accommodate boys too, who now account for 35% of the total students, according to the school’s statistics. “Boys are vulnerable as well,” Angela says. “Given that they are being taught under a Taliban regime that encourages women’s subordination, it will increase domestic violence in families.” Afghanistan currently ranks bottom of the most recent Global Gender Gap Index 2022 , published by the World Economic Forum. Since the Taliban’s return, restrictions have impacted women’s ability to work, learn, and travel freely. In May, women were told to cover their faces in public. “Being a girl and a woman in Afghanistan under the Taliban is a disaster,” says Rafat, who describes the group’s rule as “stifling”. Angela says her inbox is inundated with messages from university students who fear attending their classes, as well as younger girls who are scared of the “Talibanisation of the schools” if they do reopen. “A number of parents with whom I am in touch voice their concern whenever we talk and don’t want to send their children to the schools run under the Taliban.” Learning to cope Afghanistan remained analogue during the Taliban’s first stint in power, but this time around, the group were quick to mobilise social media in an attempt to adapt to the modern world. But the internet has played a crucial role for girls, too. It has allowed some of them to access other modes of learning, and has provided a platform for campaigners in the country and around the world. Parwana says she is lucky to study at Herat Online School. “The school has been a platform for us to continue learning,” she says gratefully. In her free time, she tries to keep busy by writing and studying. “I write articles but fear getting them shared or published,” Parwana adds. “I study women’s rights comparatively across different countries and I realise how we have been stripped of our fundamental rights in Afghanistan.” Rafat says that while she tries to study at home, “it cannot replace school”. To her, education represents freedom: “I am more focused on studying English as I believe learning this language will somehow save me and my family. It may open a way for us,” she says hopefully. Like Parwana, she has tried to keep her mind occupied. “Since the ban has been imposed, I have been trying to calm myself and stay strong. My family has been very supportive.” She says some of her friends who had already left school are not taking the university entrance exam. “When I ask them why, they say they can't because their sisters cannot go to school and they feel devastated,” Rafat explains. Like many girls who are able to access the internet, she has turned to the digital world to provide some source of normality. “I am in touch with my classmates and have created educational channels on social media where we share books and our thoughts - we have been talking about gathering somewhere and exchanging our books,” she adds. However, she says overall, she and her friends “have lost hope”. Angela is proud of what she and the volunteers at Herat Online School has achieved: “I established a school where there are no socio-political preconditions,” she says. “I believe that school is not just about education, but also about meeting the needs of students in crisis.” Since the Taliban’s return, campaigners within Afghanistan and outside of the country have campaigned for women’s and girls’ rights, and in recent days, as the 300-day anniversary of the secondary school closures neared, the campaign to ‘let Afghan girls learn’ has been ramped up on social media. Parwana says she follows the news “constantly” and waits for a Taliban announcement that teenage girls can return to school. In the meantime, she continues in the same vein as she has for the last 300 days: with a determination to keep learning. “I think no one can stop us from studying - we will continue to learn wherever we are,” says Parwana. “We, Afghan girls, hope that one day we’ll take our rights back.” Share

  • Blast targets Samangan madrassa

    انفجار مدرسه سمنگان را هدف قرار داد محققان افغان وتنس حداقل ۱۳ قربانی را به صورت بصری تأیید کردند که در میان آنها چند کودک بودند 30 Nov 2022 در ۳۰ نوامبر ۲۰۲۲ گزارش‌هایی مبنی بر وقوع انفجاری در مدرسه‌ای « الجهادی » در شهر ایبک ولایت سمنگان منتشر شد . این گزارش ها که حوالی ساعت ۱۴ : ۳۰ به وقت محلی منتشر شد حاکی از آن است که این حادثه در هنگام نماز ظهر رخ داده است که طلوع نیوز نیز آن را تأیید کرد . طلوع نیوز با ادعای صحبت با داکتران شفاخانه ولایتی سمنگان محل انتقال قربانیان گزارش داد که این انفجار ۱۵ کشته و ۲۷ زخمی بر جای گذاشته است . بازرسان افغان وتنس حداقل ۱۳ قربانی را در فیلم به اشتراک گذاشته شده پس از انفجار تایید کردند که در میان آنها چند کودک وجود داشت . این فیلم نشان می‌دهد که بسیاری از تماشاگران پس از انفجار مردان مسلح بودند که نشان می‌دهد انفجار در مدرسه‌ای که توسط طالبان اداره می‌شود رخ داده است . با استفاده از فیلم و تصویری که در شبکه های اجتماعی به اشتراک گذاشته شده است که پیامدهای انفجار را نشان می دهد بازرسان افغان وتنس توانستند سالن ورزشی محل انفجار را شناسایی کنند و تأیید کردند که این رویداد در کنار شاهراه کابل - مزار در ایبک ولایت سمنگان روی داده است . شکل : موقعیت جغرافیایی تصاویری که عواقب انفجار یک سالن ورزشی در ایبک سمنگان را نشان می دهد [ ۳۶ . ۲۷۶۲۱۱ , ۶۸ . ۰۳۰۲۷۶ ] با توجه به آسیب قابل مشاهده مشاهده شده در فیلم به اشتراک گذاشته شده محققان افغان وتنس به این نتیجه رسیدند که دستگاه مورد استفاده احتمالاً یک دستگاه انفجاری دست ساز توسط فرد بوده است . این به دلیل نشانگرهای آسیب قابل مشاهده روی دیوار بود که در ۰ : ۳۴ ثانیه در فیلم قابل مشاهده است . آسیب ناشی از پارچه ها و یا ساچمه های توپ بالقوه است که به شدت به دیوار برخورد کرده . در ساعت ۰ : ۳۴ یک جنگجوی طالبان در مقابل دوربین نزدیک به آسیب روی دیوار ایستاده است . به نظر می رسد این آسیب ارتفاع کمر [ و بالاتر ] باشد که نشان دهنده استفاده احتمالی از جلیقه انفجاری با تکه تکه شدن است . این احتمال وجود دارد که یک نارنجک دستی تکه تکه شده باعث آسیب شود . با این حال به دلیل اندازه قابل رویت ساختمان و آسیب وارد شده به سقف ( مشاهده در نقطه ۰ : ۲۱ ثانیه ) محققان افغان وتنس ارزیابی کردند که بعید است که یک نارنجک دستی نیروی کافی برای ایجاد آسیب قابل توجه به سقف کل ساختمان ایجاد کند . واکنش سران طالبان امدادالله مهاجر رئیس اطلاعات و فرهنگ طالبان به اخبار صدای امریکا گفت که تعداد کشته شدگان هنوز مشخص نیست زیرا تعداد زیادی زخمی وخیم هستند و ممکن است تعداد آنها افزایش یابد . مهاجر مدعی شد که ماهیت حمله هنوز مشخص نیست اما وی تایید کرد که این حمله زمانی رخ داده است که دانش آموزانی که بسیاری از آنها کودک بودند در حال شرکت در نماز بودند . عبدالنافع تککور سخنگوی وزارت داخله در توییتر این رویداد را تایید کرد و افزود که " حدود ۱۰ دانش آموز شهید و تعداد زیادی زخمی شده اند ". کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی سران طالبان به سرعت داعش خوارج را مسئول این انفجار دانستند و " خوارج را برای نابودی تحریک کردند و داعش را با صلیبیون و یهودیان مقایسه کردند و گفتند : " فقط صلیبیون و یهودیان چنین وحشت بزرگی انجام دادند . جبهه آزادی‌بخش ملی افغانستان بعداً در صفحه فیس‌بوک خود مسئولیت این حمله را بر عهده گرفت با این حال این گروه قبلاً مسئولیت حملاتی مانند حمله لویه جرگه را بر عهده گرفته بود که مسئولیت آن را بر عهده گرفت و بعداً ثابت شد که توسط داعش انجام شده است . به همین دلیل صحت ادعا نامشخص است . هنوز جزئیات بیشتری از این گروه منتشر نشده است . خبرنگار افغان وتنس : افغان وتنس ۳۰ نوامبر ۲۰۲۲

  • “I saw dead bodies” - the former Afghan government employees turning to human traffickers

    ما د مړو جسدونه وليدل، د افغان حکومت پخواني کارکوونکي د انسان قاچاقبروته مخه كړی افغان وتنس له دریو پخواني دولتي کارکوونکو او پوځي پرسونل سره د افغانستان څخه د تیښتې او په ایران او پاکستان کې د هغوی د ستونزو په اړه خبرې وکړې د پوښ عکس، د افغان ملي اردو ښځینه افسرانې، د متحده ایالاتو د هوايي ځواک عکس کارمند زابت لورا آر مکفارلین راخپور کړی). هغو اشخاصونه چی په دې مقاله کې زكر شوي عکسونه اخيستل شوي ندي. د یکشنبه سهار وه د اګست په میاشت کې، عامر چي خپل اصلي نوم يي نه دي، سهار وختي له خوبه پاڅیده غسل یې وکړ او خپل پوځي بوټان یې پاک کړل اوعطر يي ووهل. هغه خوښ وه چي خپل فراغت د مارشال فهیم د پوځي اکاډمۍ څخه د نورو ټولګیوال سره ولمانزي. زه ډیر خوشحال وم ایر یاد کړ، زما ټولګیوال خوشحاله ول چې خپل نتيجه وويني, د څلور کاله سخت کار پایله نه وروسته کې ډیپلوم ترلاسه کړو, له مراسمو وروسته عامر بیرته خپلې کوټې ته راغی ترڅو خپل یونیفورم بدل کړي مګر دهغه د ورور مداخله وشوه او ټیلیفون يي وکړ، هغه نه يي وپوښتل چې چیرته یې حکومت سقوط وکړ ورور یې ورته وویل طالبان کابل ته راورسیدل. هر څا منډې وهلي او ګډوډي وه، عامر افغان وتنس ته وايي، هغه له خپل ملګري سره له پوځي اکاډمۍ څخه د وتلو او اصلي دروازې ته د تېښتې یادونه کوي. کله چې دوی دویمې اډې ته ورسیدل، دوی د راډیو چلونکي څخه تایید ترلاسه کړ، کابل د طالبانو لاس ته ورغلی دی. اډه پریږده او کور ته لاړ شي، په هرځای کې د ترافیکو جام وه ځکه چې خلک د تیښتې هڅه کول، عامر وايي ځان مې نه شو قانع کولای چې حکومت سقوط کړی دی. زه په بي باوري كي وم. زه په هوا کې وغورځول شوم په دې پوهیدم چې د پخواني افغان پوځي غړي به احتمالا د طالبانو له خوا چې اوس په واک کې دي تر ګواښ لاندې وي، عامر پریکړه وکړه چې له افغانستان څخه ایران ته وتښتي، هغه افغان وتنس ته وايي چې له ٢٢ نورو ځوانانو سره چې څلور يا پنځه يې په اردو کې ول او پخوا يې په کابل کې ښې دندې ترسره کړې وې، نیمروز ولایت ته له رسیدو او له قاچاق برانو سره تر لیدو وروسته، دوی د شاوخوا ۵۰۰ ځوانانو او ۵۰ کورنیو له یوې لویې ډلې سره یوځای كيدونه مخكي خپلې ټولې پیسې په ایراني ریال بدلې کړې. عامر وايي، قاچاقبرانو دوي په ډلو وويشل او يو افغان بلوڅ قاچاقبر ته يې ور وسپارل، دوی د ٢٤ ساعتونو څخه ډیر په دوړو غونډیو او په خامه سكونو كي سفر وكړ، یوه نا پاكه زاي ته په رسیدو سره بعد له يوي لگمهاله دمي وروسته دوی په بل موټر كي په ختو سره پاکستان ته خپل سفر ته دوام ورکړه، قاچاقبرانو د لارې په اوږدو کې د وقفې په جریان کې پیسې راټولولې چي د هر نفر پر سر شاوخوا نهه ډالر ول، دا پيسي د قاچاقبر لخوا به طالبانو ته ور كړل شي. عامر په روښانه توګه یادونه کوي، چې څنګه یو قاچاقبر چې د هغه په ​​​​فکر ممکن معتاد وه په ډیر سرعت سره په غلط ډول موټر چلوه، د دې خطرناک موټر چلولو په پایله کې د موټر حادثه رامنځته شوه، چې ځینې خلک یې سخت ټپیان کړل، موږ د چاودنې په څیر غږ واورېد، زه په هوا کې وغورځیدم، بیرته ځمکې په سر باندي ووليدم، امر یادوي د هغه یو ملګری په حادثه کې سخت ټپي شوی وه او د امر شا هم ټپي شوی وه مګر له نېکه مرغه هغه لاهم د تګ توان درلود. پورته انځور: یوه افغانه ښځه د سیستان بلوچستان په سیمه کې چې د افغانستان، پاکستان او ایران پولې سره یو ځای کیږي، خپلو دریو ماشومانو ته تسلیت ورکوي. هغه قاچاقبر چې ټکر يي وکړهم ټپي شوي وه او موټر يې په دوو برخو وېشل شوی وه. هغه خپل ورور ته زنګ وواهه هغه چې راغی نو ټول یې د سیستان بلوچستان پر لور بوتلل، هلته مو په یوه پناه ځای کې استراحت وکړ. دوی بیا د مشکیل په نوم بل ځای ته وړل شوي ول چې معنی یې مشکل غر دی. امر وايي دا يو ډېر لوړ غر دی او هيله مې دا وه چې څوک به مونگه پرې ونه ګوري. موږ تر سهار پورې پاتې شو او ویده شولو، او بیا ١٨ ساعته پياده مزل وکړ تر هغه چې موږ ایران ته ورسیدو. دوی په یوه غار کې ویده شول چې د قاچاقبرانو لخوا په منظم ډول کارول کیږي، له دریو څخه تر څلورو ساعتونو وقفه یې اخیستې، مخکې له دې چې یو ځل بیا د ایران سراوان سیمې ته د سفر لپاره په نیسان موټر کې پورته شي. په سراوان کې دوی دوه ورځې په یوه سرپناه کې پاتې شول مخکې له دې چې دوی په کیا پرایډ موټر کې ور جيگ شول، اته کسان په شا څوکۍ کې، دوه کسان په مخکینۍ څوکۍ کې، او څلور د موټر په داله کې ور وخيزول شول. بیا یې پنځه ساعته مزل وکړ او له لنډې وقفې وروسته یې د ایران یزد ولایت ته ورسيدل، دوي هلته دوه ورځې نور پاتې شول چي له هغه ځایه یو بل قاچاقبر دوی بل ښار ته یوړل. امر افغان وتنس ته وايي، تر دې مهاله بعضي ډلې ځينې له منځه تللي ول. ایراني پولیسو نور کسان نیولي ول چې یوازې یو څو كسه یې وتښتیدل. هغه وايي موږ له خپل قاچاقبر سره اړیکه ونیوله هغه یو موټر کرایه کړ او شیراز ته یې بوتلو، یو ځل بیا دوی موږ په نورو قاچاقبرانو وپلورل، دوی له هر توقف څخه يي پیسې ترلاسه کولې، موږ دوه شپې په شيراز کې پاتې شو او له شيراز څخه هغوى ته وسپارل شو، موږ له يوه غره تېر شو او بالاخره د خپلې ترور کور ته ورسېدو. زه متوجه شوم چې موږ افغانان څومره بدبخته یو سیف د خپلې میرمنې او دریو ماشومانو سره ورته کیسه لري. مخکې له دې چې طالبان واک ته ورسېږي، سیف چې اصلي نوم یې نه دي، د افغانستان د امنيت ملي رياست لپاره ویب پاڼه اداره كوله. کله چې حکومت نسکور شو سیف نشوي کولی د زیان احساس وکړي، د حکومت له نسکوریدو یوه شپه مخکې یې د شپې کار کاوه یوه ورځ وروسته طالبان کابل ته ننوتل. له نیول کیدو یوه اونۍ وروسته سیف افغان وتنس ته وویل، چې هغه ته د طالبانو لخوا تلیفون راغی چې له هغه یې وغوښتل چې دفتر ته لاړ شي او خپل ټوپک دې وسپاري، كله چي دفتر ته ورسیدم هرڅه ګډوډ ول، دا باور کول ګران ول چې دا هغه ځای وه چې هغه یوازې یوه اونۍ دمخه کار پكي کاوه، سیف په یاد لري چې څنګه د هغه نوى مدیر هغه ته په سپکه کتل، ټوپک یې واخیست او د امنیت تضمین لیک یې ورکړ، هغه ماته وویل چې دا لیک یوازې د ورځې ساتنه کوي مګر د شپې نه، سیف یادونه کوي. کله چې زه له خپل دفتر څخه راستون شوم مایوسه شوم او په افغانستان کې مې د خپل ځان او خپلو ماشومانو راتلونکی ونه لید. سیف افغان وتنس ته وویل چې د شپې په اوږدو کې یې څو تنه ملګري د طالبانو له خوا وژل شوي دي. له هغې وروسته د خوندیتوب احساس کول ناممکن وو. هغه په پټه کې ژوند کاوه او دوه زله يي کور تبديل كړي، خو هر ځل طالبانو د هغه ادرس او د واتس اپ شمېره موندله او پیغامونه یې ورته لېږل چې خپل کار ته ستانه شي. سیف په دوی باور نه کاوه پرځای یې د هیواد څخه د تیښتې پریکړه وکړه، هغه له خپلې کورنۍ سره نیمروز ته سفر وکړ او ٧ ورځې یې په یوه هادي خدماتي هوټل کې تیرې کړې، هلته مجبور شو چې خپلې ډیرې پیسې مصرف كړي، یوازې چي ورته وویل شي چې باید کابل ته راستون شي ځکه چې قاچاقبر ادعا کړې وه چې طالبان اجازه نه ورکوي له پولې تېرېدلو ته. په دې هيله چې دويم ځل به يې بختور وي سيف يو ځل بيا نيمروز ته له کابل سخه ووته، بيا يې د پاکستان او مشکيل له لارې سفر وکړ له دوو ماشومانو سره په شا. هغه د غره د تیریدو لپاره له ٢٤ ساعتونو څخه ډیر مزل وکړ. سیف وايي ما ولیدل چې مړي وچ شوي ول، خلکو پرې ډبرې ایښې وې. زه هلته پوه شوم چې موږ افغانان څومره بدبخته یو. پورته انځور، سیف په ایران کې د کارګر په توګه کار کوي، چیرته چې هغه د ورځې عايد یوازې $ 1.80 امريكايي ډالر په برابر دي. سیف ایران ته راغلی دي او اوس په یوه ګډ اپارتمان کې له خپلو خپلوانو سره ژوند کوي، هغه د ١٥٠ افغانیو عاید لپاره د کارګر په توګه کار کوي تقریبا د ورځې $ 1.80 امريكايي ډالرو سره برابر دی، سیف وايي که ایراني پولیس موږ ونیسي دوی به ما مستقیما وشړي، نو زه په ویره کې ژوند کوم او د خپلو ماشومانو لپاره روښانه راتلونکی نه وینم. په افغانستان کې د سیف مېرمن ښوونکې وه دوی یو ښه ژوند درلود، او د ژوندي پاتې کیدو لپاره یې ډیر څه کړي ول، اوس دوی له ګڼو مشكلاتو سره مخ دي، د دوی په څیر د افغانستان د ملي اردو او پخواني ادارې څخه ډیری یې له ستونزو سره مخ دي، ځینې یې پاکستان یا ایران ته ځي او نور یې له داعش سره له یوځای کیدو پرته بله لاره نه ویني فقط د خپلو کورنیو د مړولو لپاره. افغانان د طالبانو له واک څخه څو کاله مخکې ایران او پاکستان ته تښتیدلي ول کله ناکله یوازې د نویو فرصتونو او ښه ژوند په لټه کې ول. کله چې طالبانو د هېواد واک بېرته تر لاسه کړ په ګاونډيو هېوادونو کې لا له وړاندې ۲.۲ میلیونه افغان کډوال مېشت ول. مګر نسبي خوندیتوب ته سفر یو څه ساده دی. له کلونو راهیسې په ایران کې میشت افغانان له تاوتریخوالي، شکنجې او په ځینو مواردو کې له مرګ سره مخ شوي دي، سیف افغان وتنس ته وویل حتا ایرانیان هم له موږ سره د انسانانو په څېر چلند نه کوي. پورته انځور، په ایران کې افغان کډوال، د عکس اعتبارEU/ECHO پیری پرکاش چي له فلکر څخه اخیستل شوی. ما خپل ژوند شاته پریښود شریفه چي د هغې اصلي نوم نه دی، په پوله کې د عامر او سیف په څیر د ورته مشكلاتو سره مخ نه وه مګر هغه باید د ورته ناڅرګندتیا سره مخه شي کله چې د هغې راتلونکي ته راځي، شریفه په ترکیه کې په یوه پوځي ښوونځي کې زده کړې کړېي دي، بیا د طالبانو تر واکمني وړاندي د افغانستان په دفاع وزارت کې دنده ترسره کړې. د حکومت نسکورېدل هغه څه ول چې هغې یې هیڅکله تصور هم نه کاوه، که څه هم د وضعيت سختوالی هغه مهال کور ته ورسید کله چې طالبانو کابل ونیولو، د هغې نارینه همکارانو ټینګار وکړ چې ټولې ښځینه کارکونکي دې د خوندیتوب لپاره له دفتر څخه ووځي، زما په یاد دي کله چې کور ته راورسیدم لومړی کار مې دا وکړ چې خپل ټول نظامي توکي راټول او ومي سوځول، شریفه یادوي هغه شپه مې هيچ هېره نده چې ټولې هیلې او خوبونه مې وسوځول. د طالبانو د نیولو په دریمه ورځ شریفه وايي چې د طالبانو غړي په زور د هغې د ګاونډۍ کور ته چې د تېر حکومت په وخت کې وکیل وه، شریفې له کوره چیغې واورېدې، موږ لا دمخه په شاك کې ولو، خو هغه وخت بدتر شو کله چې مو وليدل چې طالبان خلک په عذابوي او کورونه يې تلاشي کوي، شريفه يادونه کوي مونږ كولاي شواي چي د خپل بام او کړکۍ څخه ووينو. شریفه د واک له نیولو یوه اونۍ وروسته نوره په کابل کې پاتې نشوه. په خپل اپارتمان کې یوازې اوسېدله، هغه ویره درلوده چې طالبان به یې کور ته ننوځي او هغه به توقیف کړي، هغې پریکړه وکړه چې له افغانستان څخه پاکستان ته ولاړه شي او له خپلو ځینو همکارانو او خپلوانو سره یې سفر وکړ. د پنجشنبې د ماسپښین یوه بجه وه کله چې موږ له کابل څخه کندهار ته روان شو، یوه شپه مو هلته تیره کړه مخکې له دې چې پاکستان ته لاړ شو، زما په ژوند کې د لومړي ځل لپاره ما چادرۍ اغوستې وه او د طالبانو لخوا د پیژندلو او نیول کیدو ویره مې احساس کړه کله چې موږ پولې ته ورسیدو. شریفه وویل. هغې هیڅکله فکر نه کاوه چې هغه به په دې شرایطو کې خپل هیواد پریږدي، په پوله كي ګڼه ګوڼه وه، ١٤ کسان په یوه کوچني موټر کې سپاره شوي ول چې سفر وکړي. کله چې دوی پاکستان ته ننوتل، پولیسو یوازې د دوی شناختي کارډ چیک کړ چې په افغانستان کې د تذکره په نوم پیژندل کیږي او اجازه یې ورکړه چې تیر شي. پورته انځور، په پاکستان کې افغان کډوال، د عکس کریډیټ: د ملګرو ملتونو عکس / لوک پاول. له فليکر څخه اخیستل شوی. دوی د یوې پنځلسو ورځو لپاره نسبي سوله وموندله مګر دا د اوږدې مودې لپاره نه ده، لکه څنګه چې په ایران کې د کډوالو تجربه لري، هغه کسان چې هڅه کوي پاکستان ته ننوځي د کلونو په اوږدو کې د پولیسو د ناوړه چلند او جبري راستنیدو سره مخ شوي دي. د شريفې په وينا، پوليسو له جوماتونو سرپناهونو او کمپونو څخه د افغان کډوالو په پېژندل او شړلو پيل کړى، چې هلته يې پناه غوښتې وه. کله چې جوماتونه له افغان کډوالو خالي شول، شریفه وايي، پاکستاني پولیسو د کورونو پلټنه پیل کړه، پخواني افغان حکومت او پوځي کارکوونکي یې توقیف کړل چې د شریفې په وینا ډېری یې لادرکه دي. شریفه وايي ما خپل ژوند شاته پریښود، هر څه چې مې درلودل هغه مې پاکستان ته د رسېدو لپاره ولګول او اوس هېڅ نه لرم، هغې پاکستان ته د رسیدو لپاره نږدې ٦٠,٠٠٠ افغانۍ مصرف کړې چې د ٨٠٠ امريكايي ډالرو سره برابر دي، مګر د پیژندل کیدو ویره له امله هغه ډیر لږ خپل کور پریږدي. عامر، سيف او شريفه ټول بېلابېلې کيسې لري خو يو شان ناڅرګندتيا لري. د طالبانو د واکمنۍ پر مهال افغانستان ته د بېرته تګ توان نه لري، او نه شي کولاى په هغو هېوادونو کې چې دوى تښتېدلي دي پر مخ لاړ شي. لاهم ډیری پخواني حكومتي او نظامي پرسونل احساس کوي چې دوی پرته له دې چې له افغانستان څخه ووځي بله چاره نه لري، په دې باور دي چې هغه څه چې په راتلونکي کې دي د هغه څه څخه بدتر نه وي چې دوی یې پریږدي.

  • Explosion in Khost reportedly targeting Pakistani Taliban members

    Explosion in Khost reportedly targeting Pakistani Taliban members The incident triggered various reactions and claims on both sides of the border – and is set against a backdrop of rising political tensions between Pakistan and the Afghan Taliban. 18 Aug 2023 On August 14, 2023, news agencies reported an explosion at the Qari Zadran Hotel located in the Speen Jumat (White Mosque) area in the centre of Khost city, eastern Afghanistan. According to the Kabul police spokesperson, Khalid Zadran, the incident occurred around 1100 local time and killed “ several Waziristan refugees" and “ Khost citizens” . In his post, Zadran stated that “ three martyrs and seven injured were transferred to hospitals from the location of the incident. ” The same information was also shared minutes later by the Taliban Khost police spokesperson, Mustaghfir Gurbuz. Shortly after the reports of an explosion emerged, various social media accounts and news agencies claimed the blast resulted from a drone attack. Aaj TV Urdu , a Pakistani news agency, claimed that Hafiz Gul Bahadur* (HGB) members were the target of the claimed drone attack. It should be noted there were no claims or evidence of drone activity within Khost province prior to the blast. The Khorasan Diary , a project run by a group of journalists based in Islamabad, announced on X (formerly Twitter) that “ a suspected aerial strike has targeted a local hotel in Khost, Afghanistan, which is frequented by fighters affiliated with the Hafiz Gul Bahadur faction of the Pakistani Taliban. ” They claimed to have spoken to a senior Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) commander on the phone, who confirmed an explosion in a hotel in Khost, causing the roof to collapse on the people inside. Afghanistan International also shared similar claims in an article , citing unnamed Pakistani sources as saying “ four important commanders of the Hafiz Gul Bahadur group of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan were killed in the attack ”. Shafiqullah Daqiq, an Afghanistan International reporter shared a photo of a crowd overlooking the location of the reported explosion. The accompanying text claimed: “ In an air raid on Pakistani terrorists in the centre of Khost province, several Pakistani terrorists were killed. ” Despite various claims of an airstrike targeting HGB members in Khost, the Taliban denied their presence in the area. The Independent (Urdu) quoted Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid as saying the victims were “ local and poor people ”. The BBC Pashto service quoted Khost Information and Culture Department spokesperson, Shabir Ahmed Osmani, as saying there were no signs of an airstrike in the area. Various journalists and news agencies shared photos of the aftermath of the explosion in Khost. The images show extensive damage to a building, corroborating the claim of a large explosion. Pajhwok News also posted photos taken after the blast showing armed Taliban blocking the roads and securing the area. Afghan Witness (AW) investigators geolocated the explosion to the Khost city centre. The figure below shows the location of the explosion (outlined in dark blue) and the armed Taliban and vehicles in the area (outlined in green). Figure: Geolocation of the explosion and the armed Taliban in the area following the reported blast [33.336130, 69.921951]. AW analysed the aftermath of the explosion and found no evidence to confirm or deny a drone strike. However, several observations possibly contradict reports of a drone strike: Limited shrapnel damage on the inside of the building No visible crater, which would be common for many missiles with downward pressure Taliban officials reject claims that attack targeted HGB members Following online claims from Afghan and Pakistani media that the explosion was a targeted attack against HGB members, Taliban officials shared photos of the victims to ‘prove’ they were civilians. Khalid Zadran posted [WARNING: GRAPHIC] photos of seven reported blast victims. Four minors were among the seven casualties, two of whom were already deceased. The same [WARNING: GRAPHIC] photos were also shared by other social media accounts, including anti-Taliban users. Bilal Sarwary, an Afghan journalist in exile, shared a photo of the list of victims received by the Khost Hospital following the explosion. According to the information provided, five people died, and eight were injured, ranging from 10 to 50 years old. Three dead bodies remained unidentified. The list only contained details on one underage person, despite photographic evidence provided by Zadran showing at least four minors injured or killed in the explosion. It is possible that the others were either marked as unidentified in the list or were taken to a different medical facility. In addition to photos of the victims, Zadran also shared a video allegedly recorded at the Khost Hospital. The footage featured three adult male victims talking to the person recording. According to their statement, the explosion occurred in a small hotel. They recalled that there were around eight to 10 civilians inside at the time of the blast. The post shared by Zadran was written in English, possibly aimed at an anglophone audience. The text stated that all victims of the Khost explosion were civilians and warned “ let no one try their luck here with our blood anymore ”. The incident was the second time in the past six months that an explosion occurred in Khost city, allegedly targeting members affiliated with the Pakistani Taliban. On March 1, 2023, social media users claimed that an explosion in a hotel in Khost targeted and killed various TTP commanders. Similarly to the March claim , the most recent incident also claimed to have targeted a “Waziristan hotel” in Khost. Social media users and news agencies in March also reported that the explosion resulted from an airstrike or drone attack. Strong reactions, but little evidence The latest incident and rumours of a Pakistani strike resulted in different reactions from various audiences. Some Taliban supporters criticised the Taliban authorities' silence over the claimed attack. Afghan Taliban opponents in exile described the attack as an embarrassment to the Taliban's sovereignty claims. Pro-Pakistani security forces social media accounts described it as a significant success against anti-state militants in Afghanistan, who claimed several top commanders from Waziristan were killed in the attack. They included Hafiz Gul Bahadur, Ahmadi, Aleem Khan, and Sadiq Noor, leading the militants against the security forces in the adjacent North Waziristan. Despite the claims that the explosion targeted Pakistani Taliban-affiliated members, AW investigators did not find evidence to support the suggestion. In both events, social media users also claimed that the blast could have been the product of a gas cylinder explosion . It is a possible explanation given the commercial nature of both establishments and the lack of visible victims identified as affiliated with the Pakistani Taliban. TTP continues to reject the group’s footprints in Afghanistan via their media channels, claiming its networks are only within Pakistan. However, AW recorded an increase in the number of TTP commanders claimed to have been killed in Afghanistan, noting reports of five separate incidents since June 16 in Kunar, Nangarhar and Paktika provinces. It was reported that three TTP members were allegedly killed and three more wounded by unknown gunmen in Afghanistan. While the killing of TTP members in Afghanistan is not new, there has been a slight increase in incidents in the past months. The Pakistan Army threatened cross-border action against the TTP in Afghanistan following a Tehrik-e-Jihad Pakistan* attack. Broader context: rising tensions between Afghan Taliban and Pakistan Political tensions between Pakistan and the Afghan Taliban recently escalated after an attack claimed by the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP) in the Bajaur district of Pakistan in late July. Pakistani officials blamed militant sanctuaries in Afghanistan and Afghan citizens for these cross-border attacks, but Taliban officials denied any involvement. Pakistan's Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari threatened direct action inside Afghanistan against the militants responsible for attacks in Pakistan – offering support if the Taliban lacked the capacity but also expressing scepticism about their intention to do so. These remarks led to strong criticism from opposition political leaders in Pakistan, as well as a stern reaction from the Afghan Taliban and their supporters . Days after the attack, on the night of August 2, Pakistani fighter aircraft were reportedly observed loitering over the border regions in north-eastern Afghanistan's Kunar province, which shares a border with Bajaur. Local sources from Kunar confirmed this to AW. Pakistan carried out similar actions on April 16, 2022, when alleged militant hideouts in Kunar were targeted with airstrikes. On August 7, Pakistan's Army Chief Asim Munir criticised the Taliban regarding militant attacks within Pakistan. Speaking at a grand tribal jirga held in Peshawar, Munir described “t he participation of Afghan nationals in terrorist incidents in Pakistan” as a threat to “ regional peace, stability, and a violation of the Doha Peace Agreement”. The next day, Zabiullah Mujahid issued a statement indirectly addressing Munir's comments. Mujahid reiterated that the Taliban has no intention of fostering instability in neighbouring countries and is committed to preventing its citizens or territory from being used for such attacks. He argued that a nation should not be held accountable for the actions of individuals, however, adding that the Taliban had killed 18 Pakistani ISKP members involved in terrorist activities in Afghanistan – including arrests of dozens in 2022 – yet had refrained from blaming Pakistan for their actions. * Hafiz Gul Bahadur (HGB) - A militant faction based in the tribal areas of Pakistan, known for its affiliation with the Pakistani Taliban and involvement in insurgency and conflict in the region. Tehrik-e-Jihad Pakistan - A recently formed militant group conducting high profile attacks in Pakistan with possible links to the TTP. Share

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