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< Back Using open source to counter mis- and disinformation What is mis- and disinformation? How is it undermining Afghanistan’s information environment, and how can we help tackle it? Every day, we are confronted by an overwhelming amount of content: the 24/7 news cycle and social media platforms have made it easier than ever to access, consume and disseminate news and information, but it is also becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish truth from lies. The spread of false information is not a new phenomenon, however, the debate around its causes and consequences has erupted in recent years. Misinformation and disinformation are two terms that have become ingrained into public consciousness and use, particularly in the context of the internet and social media. They refer to the spread of false or misleading information – and the biggest difference between the two is intention . Misinformation can be defined as false or misleading information, whilst dis information involves the intentional spread of false or misleading information – the latter always aims to deceive people. Both pose a significant threat to the information environment (the space in which information is disseminated and consumed, see our last explainer on this here ), with harmful attempts becoming increasingly sophisticated . The many forms of mis- and disinformation At Afghan Witness (AW), our researchers monitor social media on a daily basis to collect and, where possible, verify information on human rights incidents in Afghanistan. Videos and images claiming to show human rights violations are frequently shared, but it is not uncommon to see footage being mislabeled or used out of its original context. The team frequently finds publications and social media accounts presenting old content as though it happened recently. An example is this video posted in September 2023 on X (form erly Twitter) showing a woman being stoned. The footage had been circulating on social media accompanied by captions implying the incident took place recently. AW found that the same video was covered by the news outlet Radio Free Europe (RFE/RL) in February 2020. It also matches footage of a video covered by RFE/RL and others back in October 2015, claiming to show a woman being stoned in Ghor province. An example of old footage presented as though it is new. We often see the same videos resurfacing and repeatedly shared out of context. One such example is footage shared on X (formerly Twitter), most recently in September 2023, claiming to show a woman being beaten after losing her husband in a crowd. The footage is actually from December 2022 and shows a male student being beaten following protests against the Taliban’s ban on women attending university. While disinformation takes many forms, one recent example identified by researchers involved image manipulation. In September 2023, AW identified a post on X (formerly Twitter) which claimed that a woman was released by the Taliban after being imprisoned by her brothers for 25 years. AW found that images purporting to show the woman in her youth were in fact photoshopped and originally taken from Instagram. An example of image manipulation. These types of posts – all examples of mis- and disinformation – can generate significant engagement and are often widely shared, with social media users frequently sharing or interacting with the content without checking for accuracy or credibility. Some of the actors in the information environment, however, have a specific interest in pushing their own agendas by spreading disinformation. AW has seen such content shared by all sides of the political spectrum. The Afghanistan Liberation Movement (ALM) and Loy Paktia Freedom Front (RP01) claim to be the only resistance groups in Afghanistan operating drones. There is, however, little evidence to support this claim. In fact, AW recently found that the two groups have been using recycled satellite and stock images in posts claiming ownership and usage of drones against the Taliban . The intention behind the use of this manufactured content is not clear, though. The aim may be for the groups to deliberately obscure their capabilities or to appear more technologically advanced than they really are. What is clear is the intentional spreading of misleading information. Another common example of disinformation is the creation of false accounts posing as well-known figures, Taliban ministries or even established media outlets. AW’s research has identified several false news accounts set up to closely mimic the branding and style of popular Afghan media organisations – particularly those deemed critical of the Taliban – often attempting to attack or undermine resistance or anti-Taliban actors. In research carried out in February 2023, AW identified an X (formerly Twitter) account that mimicked the outlet Afghanistan International , with the fake account’s posts gaining over one million views. Unlike other false accounts AW had come across, the account was not overtly a parody or false, raising concerns that the majority of its content could be read as genuine news by a passing viewer. False accounts are set up to closely mimic the branding and style of popular outlets; on the left is an image taken from @AfIntlBrk, on the right is an Image posted by @AF_Inter5. Similarly, in a separate case in July 2022, a fake Taliban education ministry account – now deleted – was able to deceive reputable news outlets with a false press release announcing the imminent reopening of girls’ schools in Afghanistan. The incident demonstrated a relatively advanced disinformation effort, which was achieved by setting up a clone account, running it for a period to establish legitimacy and then using it to release a false statement on an issue that was bound to attract international attention. These efforts to appear as genuine sources of information have the sole intent of spreading disinformation and undermining the Afghan information environment. Open source as a debunking tool AW uses open source techniques to debunk mis- and disinformation. Verifying claims and increasing access to reliable and accurate information, as well as providing detailed analysis of the situation in the country, allows people to better distinguish between accurate and false news at a time when journalists in Afghanistan face numerous restrictions and barriers on their reporting. There are several different types of techniques that can be used: from a simple quick reverse image search (which checks if a photograph has been used before and has been taken out of context) to geolocation and chronolocation (which can pinpoint where and at what time the footage was taken). As mentioned before, some cases of disinformation use real footage that has not been manipulated but has instead been taken out of context to present a false narrative. While not always intentional, these posts can generate thousands of views or shares. An example of this is the below social media post, shared in March 2022, claiming children were being sold at a market in Afghanistan. The issue is complex, not only because it is an emotive and powerful topic, but also because according to news reports, the selling of children is indeed taking place in Afghanistan, making it an ideal topic for misinformation. AW’s investigation into an alleged child market was able to prove that the footage claiming to show children being sold, was actually of an earthquake relief effort. In order to clarify if this story was false or true, AW investigators used several research and open source techniques, including the analysis of social media comments and various versions of the footage shared online; geolocation to find the exact location of where the footage was filmed; and the identification of some of the individuals featured in the video. By using tools freely available on the internet, AW was able to confirm that this video was not of a child-selling market, but was, in fact, an earthquake relief effort filmed in Badghis province. Why information literacy is more important than ever Open source has grown in popularity – there is no shortage of online tutorials and websites allowing people to develop these skills from the comfort of their homes and without formal training, and many major news outlets now have fact-checking desks and verification units. However, increasing awareness around open source techniques has also led to a rise in its misuse – the same methods used to debunk disinformation might also be used to spread it. AW previously identified an account promoted by the Taliban that describes itself as “ an independent and free organisation, which was created to identify false and fake news ”. However, while the account used the fact-checking “brand”, AW found that it was not providing the evidence nor the verification processes necessary for meaningful fact-checking work. AW has seen anti-Taliban campaigners also pursue this strategy, pushing unverified, out-of-context and occasionally false stories on accounts branded as fact-checkers. There has been a discussion by practitioners and researchers on best practices to help reduce the misuse of open source. The Berkeley Protocol on Digital Open Source Investigations published jointly by UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) with the Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkeley, “ identifies international standards and provides guidance on methodologies and procedures for gathering, analysing, and preserving digital information in a professional, legal, and ethical manner ”. These guidelines ensure that open source investigators always trace and attribute the online content to the original source, if possible, evaluate the credibility and reliability of those sources, comply with legal requirements and ethical norms, and minimise the risk of harm to themselves and their sources. Mis- and disinformation are issues that have always existed and will continue to exist in the future. It is, however, essential to not let it become the norm and undermine our information spaces, especially the digital ones, where information can be spread to thousands with a single click. Information literacy – the ability to find, comprehend, and communicate information in all its various formats – is another key component to achieving that mission. In fact, this week is UNESCO’s Global Media and Information Literacy Week , commemorated annually to “ raise awareness and celebrate the progress achieved towards Media and Information Literacy for All .” ​​Investing in critical thinking, research, and verification skills is part of AW’s work to strengthen the open source capabilities of the Afghan diaspora. Flagging examples of mis- and disinformation – and explaining how to do this debunking work – will continue to be a crucial aspect of the work we do to promote a stronger information environment in Afghanistan. ​​Investing in critical thinking, research, and verification skills is part of AW’s work to strengthen Afghanistan’s information environment.

Ten ways life has changed for Afghan women since last International Women’s Day Since August, restrictions on women's education, work, travel, and dress have come into effect. 8 Mar 2022 Cover image: " Afghan Women Queue at World Food Programme Distribution Point " by United Nations Photo is marked with CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 . Last year’s International Women’s Day looked different for women in Afghanistan. Before the Taliban’s seizure of Kabul on August 15 last year, Afghan girls and women enjoyed relative freedom: they could work, attend education with male classmates, and choose what to wear. On International Women’s Day this year, six months on from the Taliban takeover, the situation for women has changed significantly. Afghan Witness (AW) explores ten ways in which women’s rights have been impacted by the Taliban’s restrictions. 1. Women’s Affairs Ministry replaced In September, the Taliban replaced the Ministry of Women’s Affairs in Kabul with the ‘Ministry for Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice’, which was previously responsible for enforcing the Taliban's strict interpretation of Islamic religious law, known as Sharia, when the group were first in power between 1996 and 2001. 2. University classes segregated During the Taliban’s previous rule, women and girls were banned from schools and universities. In September 2021, the Taliban’s Higher Education Minister, Abdul Baqi Haqqani, indicated that women would this time be allowed to study – just not alongside men. But with so few female professors to teach female students, it has become increasingly difficult for Afghan women to access education. 3. Dress code and curriculum changed for female students The Taliban also announced a review of the curriculum and introduced a new dress code which states that women – both staff and students – must attend university wearing ‘full hijab’ . The Taliban’s interpretation of ‘ hijab ’ is unclear, as the majority of Afghan women already wear headscarves. 4. Schools remain temporarily closed for girls beyond grade 7 Young Afghan girls sit in their Aliabad School classroom near Mazar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan, March 10, 2012 - Sgt. Kimberly Lamb (U.S. Armed Forces) Since August, girls in most of Afghanistan have not been allowed back to school beyond grade 7 , which the Taliban say “is a question of capacity”. According to Al Jazeera, a small proportion of girls older than grade 7 have been allowed back to classrooms in state-run schools, but only in about a dozen of the country’s 34 provinces. Most teachers have not been paid since last June . In January, the Taliban announced that they would open classrooms for all girls and women in the Afghan New Year, which starts on March 21, but some girls have expressed doubt around this claim. 5. Female employees restricted from working Afghan police women prepare to graduate from Women’s Police Corps training,Mazar-e-Sharif, 2011 - Air Force photo by Master Sgt. Kristina Newton Under their previous rule in the 1990s, the Taliban barred women from working. A report released by the UN Development Program indicated that women accounted for 20% of the country's workforce in 2020, with a growing number of them running small businesses. Since returning to power, while not explicitly banning females from working, the Taliban has continued to eliminate women from workplaces. In September, a Taliban senior figure told Reuters that Afghan women should not work alongside men. This was followed by another decree issued by the interim mayor which instructed female employees of Kabul's city government to stay home. A small number of women in essential services like nursing have been asked to resume work, but their pay remains precarious. 6. Women banned from traveling alone over 72 km Woman clad in burqa walking in Afghanistan - Mark Reldy In December, the Taliban announced that women travelling further than 72km (45 miles) should be accompanied by a close male family member. The guidance, issued by the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice – which replaced the former government’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs – also called on vehicle owners to refuse rides to women not wearing headscarves. Human Rights Watch heavily criticised the guidance, with Heather Barr , the group’s associate director of women’s rights, stating that the move “shuts off opportunities for [women] to be able to move about freely, to travel to another city, to do business, (or) to be able to flee if they are facing violence in the home.” 7. Heads of mannequins removed At the beginning of the year, a video went viral of a shopkeeper sawing the heads off female mannequins after the Taliban ordered shop owners in western Afghanistan to remove the heads of mannequins, insisting the life-sized figures violate Islamic law. While not aimed at female mannequins alone, most of the mannequins are inevitably female. 8. TV shows featuring women restricted In November, the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice issued a statement that broadcasting channels were no longer allowed to air dramas or soap operas featuring women, and told broadcasters not to screen films or programmes that are “against Islamic or Afghan values”. In the Taliban’s previous stint in power, between 1996-2001, television, films and most other forms of entertainment were deemed immoral, and as a result, were banned . 9. Female TV journalists must cover their hair In the same month, female TV journalists and reporters were also instructed to cover their hair when broadcasting. Afghan journalists in general have expressed concern around press freedoms under the Taliban’s rule – particularly when it comes to reporting on anti-Taliban protests. 10. Women’s shelters shut " 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence starts " by UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is marked with CC BY-NC 2.0 . Women’s services and organisations face uncertain futures with the Taliban’s return. According to Human Rights Watch, the Taliban has “ systematically ” shut shelters for women and girls escaping violent and abusive partners. The response from campaigners Since the Taliban returned last August, female campaigners and activists have protested to protect their rights and fight against the growing restrictions. While the Taliban have issued a quasi-ban on public demonstrations, campaigners have continued protesting in provinces across the country. A trend of indoor protests – held in offices and homes and photographed or filmed for social media – has also emerged due to there being a lesser risk of arrest or force from the Taliban. However, activists and organisations remain fearful after several prominent women activists were recently detained . While the Taliban have claimed women’s rights will be respected and their regime will be more moderate than previous periods of Taliban rule, the restrictions introduced so far – and the treatment of female activists – have raised concerns over the Taliban’s interpretation of women’s rights and the place of women in Afghanistan. Share

Taliban hangs bodies of ‘kidnappers’ in Herat – at least one claimed to be former government security personnel Afghan Witness’s OSINT team has geolocated three bodies of alleged kidnappers that were publicly displayed by the Taliban, and also spoke to the friend of one of the individuals killed - who is reportedly former Afghan military personnel. 25 Feb 2022 Warning: this article contains graphic details. It also features photographs of the bodies that were hung, which AW has made efforts to censor. On the evening of February 21st, according to Taliban sources , three alleged kidnappers were killed during clashes in Herat city. The bodies of the three kidnappers were then hung in different parts of the city and publicly displayed for more than 24-hours. Afghan Witness (AW) has geolocated the displayed bodies of the three alleged kidnappers killed by the Taliban. The first body was hung in Bekr Abad Square, the second one on the gate of Kandahar Square, and the third person was hung from a crane near Chowk Gulha. Figure 1, above: AW geolocations of where two of the bodies were hung in Herat. Figure 2: geolocation identified as Bekr Abad Square, Herat. Figure 3: geolocation identified as gate of Kandahar Square, Herat. AW also geolocated the third body that was hung from a crane near Chowk Gulha, in Herat: Figure 4: Geolocation near Chowk Gulha, Herat, where the third body was publicly displayed from a crane. Figure 5: Geolocation near Chowk Gulha, Herat, where the third body was publicly displayed from a crane. According to social media posts and a journalist from TOLO news, at least one of the alleged kidnappers killed by the Taliban was former military personnel in the Afghan National Army. Social media posts, which names the man Mahboub Shah, include photographs of him in military uniform. AW has spoken to friends of Mahboub, including a journalist now living outside the country, who confirmed Mahboub had served in the military and was previously responsible for the security of the former governor of Herat province; he also served as the head of logistics in an Afghan military base in the Ghorian district of Herat. They cast doubt on the Taliban’s claims he could have been involved in kidnapping. Images above: Mahboub in military uniform, taken from social media ( photo 1 ; photo 2 ) Reports of disappearances and extrajudicial killings of former government security personnel are frequent and widespread across the country. In November of last year, a report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) estimated that more than 100 former Afghan security forces have been killed by the Taliban or have disappeared since Taliban forces seized control. HRW added that the Taliban have also used employment records left behind by the former government to identify people for arrest and execution. However, it is unusual for Taliban punishments to be carried out in public, meaning there is often limited material for verification. It is notable that the last verified example was also in Herat, on 25th September 2021, when Taliban publicly displayed the bodies of three men hanging from cranes. AW geolocated and verified videos of the incident (GRAPHIC), which was covered by media at the time. Share

Taliban attempt to disrupt female-led protests, in some cases responding with violence Following a ban on non-approved protests, women campaigners and journalists have been met with force on several occassions 25 Oct 2021 Since the Taliban seized Afghanistan on August 15, female-led protests have been held in major cities across the country, including Kabul, Herat, Kandahar, Mazar-i-Sharif and Zaranj. Footage from multiple cities shows groups of women protesting against the Taliban and demanding their right to equality, work, and education. On several occasions, anti-Taliban protests also displayed strong anti-Pakistan messaging. The Afghan Witness (AW) database currently holds footage of at least 14 separate events and this is growing on a daily basis despite the ban on protests and slogans that have not been pre-approved by the Taliban. Map 1: Overview of cities where anti-Taliban protests have been observed since September At some protests, footage has emerged showing the Taliban attempting to disrupt protesters, in some cases leading to violence: On September 6, a Taliban vehicle attempted to disrupt a women’s protest in Mazar-i-Sharif by driving at protesters. Figure 1: Geolocation of protest in Mazar-i-Sharif On September 7, it was reported that two people were killed as the Taliban opened fire on a crowd after a peaceful protest in front of the Herat government office. According to online sources, many protesters also had their mobile phones confiscated. Figure 2: Geolocation of women fleeing shots during women-led protests in Herat. Figure 3: Geolocation of fatal shooting during women-led protests in Herat. On September 7, footage emerged of Taliban fighters shooting bullets into the air in Kabul - an apparent attempt to disperse protesters demonstrating against the Taliban and Pakistan. Figure 4: Geolocation of incident during women protests in Kabul on September 7 On the same day, approximately 30 women were temporarily held in a car park in Kabul, reportedly to prevent them from joining the ongoing protest. On September 8, a video emerged showing Taliban fighters [ GRAPHIC ] attacking protesting women in Kabul. Figure 5: Geolocation of incident during women’s protest in Kabul on September 8 On September 30, footage appeared of Taliban fighters harassing a woman and shooting bullets into the air in an apparent attempt to break up and disperse protesters in Kabul. Figure 6: Geolocation of incident during women’s protest in Kabul on September 30 Figure 7: Locations of all identified violent incidents during women-led protests in Kabul Journalists attempting to cover the women's rights protests have also faced disruption. According to The Committee to Protect Afghan Journalists , there have been numerous cases of violence against journalists since the Taliban takeover. A video from a women’s protest in Balkh province on September 6 shows a Taliban fighter with a gun threatening journalists. Figure 8: Geolocation of harassment of journalists in Balkh On September 8, two journalists from the news agency Etilatrooz were reportedly arrested as they covered a women’s protest in Kabul. One of the journalists reported that they were taken to the Karte Chahar prison in PD3, where they were [ GRAPHIC ] violently beaten. Images of their injuries – which included large weals and bruises – were shared widely on social media. Footage from October 21 shows an AFP journalist being violently attacked by Taliban fighters while covering a women’s protest in Kabul. The geolocation of the incident can be found in Figure 5. Organisations have expressed concern over the future of press freedom under Taliban rule. According to Human Rights Watch , in late September the Taliban Ministry of Information and Culture distributed strict media regulations that prohibited outlets from printing or broadcasting reports that “are contrary to Islam,” “insult national figures,” or “distort news content.” The regulations stated that journalists are required to “ensure that their reporting is balanced” and not report on “matters that have not been confirmed by officials” or issues that “could have a negative impact on the public’s attitude.” They also stated that media outlets would be required to “prepare detailed reports” with the new governmental regulatory body prior to publication. In the days following their takeover, Spokesperson Suhail Shaheen claimed the Taliban “believes in freedom of speech” and suggested those rights will extend to women in Afghanistan. However, the quasi-ban on protests, coupled with the regulations issued to the media, have raised concerns over the credibility of such claims. Share

​ ​ 24 Jan 2023

The stories of Afghanistan’s women journalists From breaking barriers and challenging taboos, to facing widespread restrictions, AW looks at the experience of Afghanistan’s female journalists since the Taliban’s takeover. 23 Jan 2024 Cover photo: © Afghan Witness, 2023, Kabul, Afghanistan For many women in Afghanistan, choosing to enter the media world is not just a career decision but a revolutionary act against cultural taboos and repression. Journalism serves as a beacon of hope and defiance in places like Afghanistan. Mariam – not her real name – was inspired to pursue journalism by her aunt, a distinguished journalist in Afghanistan. "I wanted to become like her, a well-known, respected person," Mariam expressed with pride. She saw journalism as a crucial medium for societal transformation, reflecting that it was a way "to convey the voices and problems of people to relevant authorities and the world." This is a sentiment echoed by another Afghan journalist, Khujesta. She tells AW that she believed her work symbolised the breaking of “cultural taboos” and Afghanistan’s progress: "My work as a woman journalist was crucial – the media plays a key role in every society, not just in Afghanistan. It was vital to show the positive developments in Afghanistan.” Khujesta – not her real name – started her career five years ago as a volunteer anchor for an education-focused television station. From there, she quickly climbed the ranks and found herself working at a national news channel. She says that as a female journalist, she felt she was setting an example of what other women in Afghanistan could also achieve. “It conveyed a feeling of ’we can do this!’ to other women and girls in Afghanistan so that they can live a good life. Cultural taboos and limitations towards women were decreasing, and more women were willing to work and present themselves publicly. Their mindsets changed for the better,” Khujesta adds. Even prior to the Taliban takeover in 2021, female journalists faced challenges. In 2019, the Afghanistan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) recorded 105 cases of violence against journalists and media workers; out of all cases 18 were women. According to AJSC, there was a 13% decline in overall violence against journalists in 2019 compared to the previous year. “I fought, and I ignored people's words and slanders so that the seal of silence surrounding women would be broken and they could get their rights,” Azita expresses. After the fall of the first Taliban regime in 2001, despite journalists still facing significant threats, Afghanistan's media landscape saw rapid growth with a variety of programming. Media played an integral role in disseminating information, public awareness, education, spaces of debate and played the role of watch dog to hold the Afghan government and relevant bodies accountable to the public. “I was part of the Afghan media family, and despite the social and security problems, I continued my work without any fear,” Azita Nazimi told AW who is a prominent journalist, TV anchor, and women's rights activist, she also protested against the Taliban's restrictions. Azita recalls the relative freedom that marked Afghanistan's media space prior to the Taliban's resurgence, noting, "during the last 20 years until the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, the situation of media and freedom of expression was remarkably good." Anisa Shaheed, a renowned journalist, was recognised by Reporters Without Borders as an "information hero" among 30 individuals worldwide. Photo by UN Women/Ryan Brown/ October 2021 on Flickr: https://rb.gy/gs6j5f Post-Taliban takeover Everything changed on August 15, 2021 – the day the Taliban seized power in Kabul. Khujesta remembers that day vividly: that morning, she had delivered the morning news bulletin as usual, but by noon, she and her colleagues were fleeing their office. "The atmosphere became suffocating," Khujesta remembers. Three days later, she returned to her office, only to be told she no longer had the right to continue her work. Employment opportunities disappeared in an instant, transforming the once-thriving media scene into a desolate expanse of quiet and fear. “When the Taliban came in 2021, my workspace became unbearable," describes Angeza – not her real name – another female journalist AW spoke to. According to the international media NGO Reporters Without Borders (RSF), in 2020, Kabul alone had 108 media outlets with 1,080 female employees, of which 700 were journalists. Furthermore, in the entire country, 2,756 women journalists and media workers were employed prior to August 15, 2021. Mariam's time at her workplace, which is a well-known private news channel, exemplified this sudden shift. The Taliban's restrictions on the press – including ban on types of content contrary to the Taliban’s beliefs such as music, entertainment, and programs that include women & promotes women’s rights – transformed her workplace into an oppressive space, making the simple act of going out to report a risky endeavour. "Every time I went out to make a report, I was taken by the Taliban intelligence officers either to the police station or the police headquarters," Mariam recounts. Afghanistan’s media landscape has undergone significant change since the takeover, a result of both Taliban restrictions and economic impacts. According to a RSF survey , in the first year of the Taliban’s takeover, Afghanistan lost almost 40% of its media outlets and 60% of its journalists. "At the gates of the police station, another Taliban member asked the one who was with us why we had been brought in, and he replied it was because of filming. I won't forget how he responded, saying, 'You could just use two of your bullets on them and make it easy,' to his colleague," Mariam recalls the moment when the Taliban threatened her. AW cannot independently verify the claim. The Taliban's restrictions on women's dress and work have compounded the challenges faced by female journalists in Afghanistan, affecting hundreds of already established and rising female journalists. Many of these journalists such as Angeza, with 16 years of experience, witnessed the stifling control exerted by the Taliban: “The Taliban pressured women journalists to wear face masks and broadcast current affairs and reports based on their will," she tells AW. Angeza believes that censorship of the news is a violation of human rights, and similarly other restrictions that curtails women’s ability to be present in the society. She asks, "Closing schools for girls and depriving teachers of their livelihood by taking a percentage of their salaries to be distributed to the Taliban members, isn’t a violation of human rights?". New figures from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) indicate a steep decline in female employment levels in Afghanistan since the Taliban took over in 2021. In the fourth quarter of 2022, female employment was approximately 25% lower than in the second quarter of 2021, before the Taliban’s takeover. In the same period, male employment levels also declined by 7%. “All my dreams and those of other women were dashed, and all the achievements of twenty years were reduced to zero,” reflects Azita. Women, particularly in the media, found themselves unemployed , confined to their homes, or forced to flee. Khujesta acknowledges that the challenges facing female journalists in Afghanistan are two-fold . Post-Taliban takeover, the country’s media outlets face self-censorship, limited access to information, and ​​​​restrictions on the topics they can report on, but female journalists must also navigate restrictions on their rights as women – particularly on their employment, dress and freedom of movement – which further limit their ability to report. Struggling with mental health and forced into exile Azita was forced into exile in Germany after protesting against the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s right to education, work and personal freedom. Many of her fellow activists were allegedly detained and beaten by the Taliban. "I witnessed the scene where protesting women and journalists who came to cover the protest were whipped and beaten,” she recalls. In August 2022, journalists reported how the Taliban beat and threatened a group of women protesters who marched and chanted slogans of "bread, work and freedom" in Kabul. According to reports, some women who hid in shops were chased and beaten by the Taliban fighters. Photo: © Afghan Witness, 2023, Kabul, Afghanistan “I am no longer that Mariam of two years ago – now Mariam is heartbroken,” Mariam sorrowfully adds, reflecting on the impact on her mental health. She is not alone in these feelings – a joint report from three U.N. agencies indicates a decline in the mental health of Afghan women, who have endured severe restrictions enforced by the Taliban since their rise to power two years ago, affecting women nationwide. Conversations with Afghan women reveal the mental toll of life under the Taliban: "I was under extreme mental pressure. I was thinking that perhaps I was losing my mind," Mariam tells AW. Similar experiences were also shared by Angeza; “I went through many changes, including becoming a refugee in a second country and waiting uncertain to be settled somewhere safe. I don’t have a job now, my children are left without education and schools.” Angeza’s transition from a respected journalist to a refugee grappling with uncertainty in a foreign land illustrates the profound personal impact of these changes, in particular, a feeling of a loss of identity. Despite the distance from their home country and the crushing weight of the challenges they face, there is a spirit of resistance among these women, as well as an enduring commitment to journalism. Khujesta, now living in Spain, continues to report on Afghanistan's situation. Her plea to fellow journalists is to not give up on the achievements of the past twenty years, a clarion call for resilience. "Now the Taliban have come to rule and stop us from breathing, we [women] must stand up against them [the Taliban] and take [back] our rights – our rights are the right to life," Khujesta expresses. According to RSF, Afghanistan is among most dangerous countries for journalists along with Vietnam and Russia. In 2023, the Taliban jailed 21 journalists in Afghanistan. Despite the challenges, the female journalists we spoke to call for international support of those who still report from on the ground. “I want to encourage other journalists that they should never cover up the truth and never get involved in self-censorship or censoring their reports. They must publish the facts about Afghanistan and what is happening here, and those outside the country must support journalists inside the country so they can continue their important work,” Mariam tells AW. At the time of writing this report, Mariam (not her real name) informed AW reporter that she has sought relocation to a European country but has to yet to hear back. Share

مروارید د محدودیتونو او اقتصادي ناامنۍ سره مخ یوه ځوانه سوداګره هڅه کوي چې خپل کاروبار پرمخ بوځي زموږ کار ناڅاپه ودرېد په داسې حال کې چې دا نیلي برقه/چادری ده چې ډیری وختونه د افغانستان سره تړاو لري مروارید د هغې اصلي نوم نه دی تل د افغانستان د ډیری کلتورونو روښانه رنګ لرونکي دودیزو جامو سره مینه لري د بلخ په مزارشریف کې له یوه پوهنتون څخه د سیاسي علومو د لسانس تر فراغت او کابل ته له تګ وروسته مروارید او څو ملګرو یې پریکړه وکړه چې د افغانستان د دودیزو جامو د ودې لپاره یو کوچنی کاروبار پیل کړي. د ملګرو دغه ډله د مزار شریف هرات بامیان او نورو ولایتونو تاریخي ځایونو ته د عکسونو د اخیستلو لپاره تللې. مروارید وايي: د دې موخه دا وه چې د افغانستان کلتور ته وده ورکړو چې تاریخي میراثونه زموږ له جامو سره وصل کړي. په هرصورت د تیر کال په اګست کې وروسته له هغه چې طالبانو کابل ونیول مورورد د نورو کوچنیو سوداګرو په څیر ځان د ناڅرګندتیا سره مخ وموند. دغه ځوان متشبث وايي: موږ پلان درلود چې په یو شمېر نورو ولایتونو کې له موډلونو سره د عکسونو نوې لړۍ ترسره کړو خو زموږ کار ناڅاپه ودرېد. د طالبانو له راستنیدو وروسته د مرورید د سوداګریز شریک په څیر ډیری خلکو هیواد پریښود. هغه وايي: ما هم د خپل ایستلو انتظار کاوه خو له هغه وخت راهیسې مې نه دي اورېدلي چې کله به له افغانستانه وایستل شي. مروارید زیاتوي چې هغه د واک له اخیستو راهیسې د خپل رواني روغتیا سره مبارزه کړې هغه څه چې د نورو افغان میرمنو او انجونو لخوا هم غږیدلي چې له کار او زده کړې څخه منع شوي او یو داسې رجحان چې حتی د طالبانو له راستنیدو دمخه شتون درلود. ما خپل خوب له لاسه ورکړ او د بشردوستانه بحران د لیدلو لپاره مې مبارزه وکړه چې زما د سترګو په وړاندې راڅرګند شو ډیری ښځو خپلې دندې له لاسه ورکړې. د محدودیتونو سره مخ دي په افغانستان کې د ۲۰۲۱ کال په درېیمه ربع کې د ښځو د کار کچه په سلو کې ۱۶ راټیټه شوې ده. طالبانو په ښکاره توګه د ښځو پر کار کولو بندیز نه دی لګولی خو د بشري حقونو ډلې وايي چې د دوی محدودیتونه په نورو برخو کې لکه د ښځو د تګ راتګ او د جنډر د جلا کولو مقررات لري. د ټکولو اغیزې. مروارید د خپلې سوداګرۍ له درولو وروسته وايي هغې په افغانستان کې د غیر دولتي موسسو سره د کار لپاره غوښتنلیکونه پیل کړل چې د مزارشریف او کابل تر منځ یې څو ځلې سفرونه کول. په هرصورت هغه وايي چې اوس په افغانستان کې د دندې ترلاسه کول پدې پورې اړه لري چې تاسو څوک پیژنئ. مروارید تسلیم نه شوه او پریکړه یې وکړه چې خپلې سوداګرۍ ته دوام ورکړي هڅه کوي د اوسني وضعیت سره سمون ولري. هغې د خپلې سپما یوه برخه د زیوراتو په پیرودلو کې پانګونه کړې او خپل محصولات یې آنلاین ته وده ورکړي مګر هغه وايي چې حتی دا ستونزمن کار دی. هغه زیاتوي: دا ښايي اسانه ښکاري خو داسې نه ده. موږ ښځو له ډیرو محدودیتونو او ستونزو سره مخیو موږ نشو کولی په آزاده توګه حرکت وکړو لکه څنګه چې مو غوښتل. طالبانو د ښځو د جامو او تګ راتګ پر ازادۍ محدودیتونه لګولي دي. انځور: افغان وتنس د ډسمبر په میاشت کې د طالبانو د فضیلت تبلیغاتو او د معاونیت مخنیوي وزارت لخوا یو لارښود خپور شو. ویل شوي چې هغه ښځې چې له ۴۵ مایل (۷۲ کیلومتره) څخه ډیر سفر کوي باید د کورنۍ نږدې نارینه غړي ورسره وي. دې ډول محدودیتونو مروارید ته دا ستونزمنه کړې چې خپل کاروبار په مؤثره توګه پرمخ بوځي. ځکه چې هغه نشي کولی د هغه ماډلونو عکسونه واخلي چې د هغې ګاڼې او جامې یې اغوستي وي. هغه وايي: اوس مهال زما ټوله نړۍ زما شخصي کوټه ده چیرې چې زه خوب کوم زما د ګاڼو عکسونه اخلم او زما د کوچني سوداګرۍ کارونه ترسره کوم. له دوو میاشتو راهیسې زه هڅه کوم چې دا بیرته راژوندي کړم. د مروارید په وینا محدودیتونه د ولایت او ساحې پورې اړه لري. هغه وايي چې په کابل کې ځینې سیمې ډیرې خلاصې دي نجونې له بورقې پرته ساده سرې جامې اغوندي خو زیاتوي چې په نورو ولایتونو کې د ښځو لپاره د جامو او حرکت په اړه سخت محدودیتونه شتون لري. تېر سپتمبر په افغانستان کې ښځو د هشټاګونو لکه DoNotTouchMyClothes#. # زما جامی مه لمسوه او AfghanistanCulture# #دافغانستان کلتور. په کارولو سره یو آنلاین کمپاین پیل کړ د دوی د خورا پراخو او رنګارنګ دودیزو جامو د عکسونو تر څنګ د طالبانو د هغه روایت ننګول چې په افغانستان کې مسلمانې ښځې باید څه واغوندي. مرواردی وايي وروسته له هغه چې طالبانو اعلان وکړ چې ښځې باید د می په میاشت کې خپل مخونه په عام محضر کې پټ کړي د ټکسي چلوونکي له هغې وپوښتل چې ولې دې خپل مخ نه پټوي او یا تورې جامې نه اغوندي. ما وویل: دا زما کار دی تاسو ښه په خپل کار کې فکر وکړئ. ناوړه چلند مروارید افغان وتنس ته وویل چې د یوې ښځې په توګه دا یوازې هغه طالبان نه دي چې هغه ویره لري بلکې ځینې نارینه دي چې د ښځو په وړاندې ورته ذهنیت لري. هغه زیاتوي: تاسو به دوی وګورئ چې دوی د کار نشتوالي او څنګه له اقتصادي پلوه له ستونزو سره مخ دي مګر هیڅوک د نجونو لپاره د ښوونځیو د تړلو په اړه خبرې نه کوي یا دا چې د طالبانو د واکمنۍ له امله د دوی میرمنې دندې له لاسه ورکړي. دا د مایوسۍ خبره ده چې افغان نارینه له خپلو ښځو سره نه ودریږي. د بښنې نړیوال سازمان په دې وروستیو کې په افغانستان کې د ښځو او نجونو د وضعیت په اړه یو راپور خپور کړ چې په پایله کې یې د سرغړونو کچه شدت او شدت هره میاشت زیاتیږي. په داسې حال کې چې په افغانستان کې او هم په نړیواله کچه ډېر نارینه کمپاین کوونکي شته چې د افغان ښځو د حقونو ملاتړ کوي مروارید د واک له اخیستو راهیسې د بدمرغۍ د خپریدو په اړه اندیښنه لري. هغه وايي: په ریښتیا سره زه همدا اوس د طالبانو په پرتله له افغان نارینه وو څخه ډیر ویره لرم. څنګه چې دوی تاسو ته ګوري داسې ښکاري چې تاسو یو نه بښونکی جرم کړی وي. کله چې مروارید راتلونکي ته ګوري هغه ډاډه نه ده چې دا څنګه ښکاري. د ډیری ځوانانو او لوستو خلکو په څیر چې نشي کولی پریښودل شي په ځانګړې توګه هغه چې ښځې دي هغه د ځان لپاره د فرصتونو د لیدلو لپاره مبارزه کوي که چیرې وضعیت همداسې دوام وکړي. هغه وايي: زه اوس هم هیله من یم چې که طالبان ووایي چې ښځې کولای شي یوه ورځ له کوم محدودیت پرته کار وکړي زه به په افغانستان کې پاتې شم. که نه نو زما هیواد افغانستان د اوسیدو وړ نه دی په تیره بیا د ښځو او نجونو لپاره. سرچینه: له افغان وتنس سره مرکه Interview by Afghan Witness Source:

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​ ​ 28 Feb 2023

څنګه د نجونو د ښوونځیو په اړه یو ناسم مطبوعاتي اعلامیه نړیوال سرلیکونه جوړ کړل افغان وتنس هغه جعلي مطبوعاتي اعالمیه تحلیلوي چې د ډیرو معتبرو خبري رسنیو او ډیری ژورنالیستانو لخوا اخیستل شوي د جولای په نیمایي کې د سکای نیوز په ګډون یو شمیر معتبرو نړیوالو خبري رسنیو راپور ورکړ چې طالبان به په نږدې راتلونکي کې د نجونو ښوونځي بیرته پرانیزي. دا د دې لامل شو چې د طالبانو سره تړلي ټویټر حسابونه دا ادعاوې رد کړي او کیسه یې دروغ وبلله. لومړنۍ ادعا د جولای په ۱۲ د یو حساب [@MoEducationIEA] لخوا خپره شوې وه چې د [اوس حذف شوي] بیان په کارولو سره ادعا کوي د پنجشنبې په ورځ د ۲۳ سرطان شمسي کال ۱۴ د ذوالحجې قمري کال (د ۲۰۲۲ کال د جولای ۱۴) د امر بالمعروف او نهي عن المنکراو چارواکو او د پوهنې وزارت به په ټول افغانستان کې د نجونو د ښوونځیو د پرانستلو په اړه د اطلاعاتو او رسنیو په مرکز کې ګډه خبري غونډه وکړي. د خبري کنفرانس د پوښښ لپاره د رسنیو استازو ته بلنه ورکول کیږي. موضوع د ستر لارښود په حکم په ټول هیواد کې د نجونو د ښوونځیو پرانیستل. نېټه او وخت پنجشنبه د ثور ۲۳مه ۱۴۰۱ هجري لمریز کال (د ۲۰۲۲ کال د جولای ۱۴) د سهار ۱۰:۰۰ بجې ځای د مارمارین ماڼۍ د IEA د اطلاعاتو او رسنیو مرکز. انځور: مطبوعاتي اعالمیه چې د پوهنې وزارت اعلانوي یو مطبوعاتي کنفرانس به د نجونو د ښوونځیو د بیا پرانیستلو تایید وکړي. د ټویټر لومړني کاروونکي چې د غلط بیان په شریکولو سره یې د ښکیلتیا زیاتوالی رامینځته کړی و د افغانستان انټرنیشنل خبریال تاج الدین سروش او یو مشهور ژورنالیست بلال سروري وو. دواړو په نږدې وخت کې ټویټ شریک کړ. سکای نیوز بیا اعلان وکړ چې طالبان به د پنجشنبې په ورځ [د جولای په ۱۴] د نجونو ښوونځي پرانیزي چې ادعا یې د پوهنې وزارت پخپله تایید کړه. د جولای په ۱۳ کله چې غلط مطبوعاتي اعالمیه نړیوال پام ځانته راوباسي طالبانو د پوهنې وزارت د رسمي اکاونټ [@MoEAfghanistan] له لارې دا ډول اعلان رد کړ او ویې ویل په ټولنیزو رسنیو کې د نجونو د پیل په اړه هر ډول اعلان. له اووم نه تر دوولسم ټولګي پورې ښوونځي رښتیا نه دي جعلي دي. انځور: د پوهنې وزارت د رسمي اکاونټ څخه ټویټ چې د مسخره شوي مطبوعاتي اعالمیه ناسمه وه. په سور کې ټکي جعلي خبرونه لوستل کیږي. د افغان وتنس پلټونکو د حساب [@MoEducationIEA] لخوا وړاندې شوی بیان تحلیل کړ د د اصلي مطبوعاتي اعلامیو سره پرتله کول او د بیان سموالی تایید کول. د ټویټر اکاونټ [@MoEducationIEA] پخوا د @AbdulBaqiHaqani په نوم یاد شوی و چې د طالبانو د لوړو زده کړو د سرپرست وزیر عبدالباقي حقاني په غلط نوم لیکل شوی و. اکاونټ خپل نوم د ۲۰۲۲ کال د مارچ تر پایه او د ۲۰۲۲ د جولای د ۱۱ تر منځ بدل کړ. ټول پخواني ټویټونه حذف شول [د مارچ له یو ټویټ پرته]. د جولای د ۱۱ څخه وروسته اکاونټ د انفرادي ټویټونو بیا پوسټ کول پیل کړل چې د پوهنې وزارت اصلي حساب [@MoEducationIEA] لخوا جوړ شوي. پدې کې ټویټونه شامل دي لکه د ازموینې پروسې په اړه د شکایتونو ثبتولو لپاره د فارم شریکول کوم چې د حساب مشروعیت ډیر کړی. اکاونټ بیا د یوې مطبوعاتي اعلامیې ټوکه خپره کړه ادعا یې وکړه چې هلته به یو کنفرانس وي چې د نجونو د ښوونځیو د بیا پرانستلو اعلان وکړي. د تحلیل وروسته ډیری شاخصونه شتون لري چې وړاندیز کوي حساب د ډاکټر بیان خپور کړی د سند په ښکته برخه کې بې سمونه فونټونه. د مطبوعاتي اعالمیې لاندې د ټولنیزو رسنیو نوم د 'o' او 'e' لاندې تور خورا لږ مقدار درلود. دا پلټونکي د دې لامل شوي چې لوګو او نوم په اصلي متن کې کاپي او پیسټ شوی وي ترڅو داسې ښکاري چې د جعلي کارونکي لاسوند رسمي وي. شکل: د ټویټر د نوم لاندې د بې مطابقت فونټونو پراخول. شکل: د مطبوعاتي اعلامیې لاندې برخه د ټولنیزو رسنیو نوم د ('o' و او 'e' ی) لاندې د تور خورا لږ مقدار سره دا پیښه د یوې نسبتا پرمختللې غلطې هڅې ښیي چې طالبان د کلون حساب په جوړولو سره شرموي د مشروعیت رامینځته کولو لپاره یې د یوې مودې لپاره پرمخ وړي او بیا یې د غلط بیان خپرولو لپاره کاروي. دا د طالبانو د حسابونو د نه تصدیق کولو په اړه د ټویټر د پالیسۍ منفي اړخ هم په ګوته کوي. پداسې حال کې چې پریکړه د دې لپاره ډیزاین شوې چې طالبانو ته مشروعیت نه ورکوي دا د جعلي حسابونو رامینځته کول او د غلط معلوماتو هڅو کې کارول اسانه کوي. د افغان وتنس خبریال : افغان وتنس ۲۶ جولای ۲۰۲۲

فرمانده کل جبهه مقاومت اندراب کشته شد کشته شدن این فرمانده را هم کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی طرفدار طالبان و هم جبهه مقاومت اندراب تایید کردند که بیانیه ای را در صفحه فیسبوک خود به اشتراک گذاشتند. گزارش‌های تایید نشده رسانه‌های اجتماعی ادعا می‌کنند که ده‌ها جنگجوی جبهه مقاومت اندراب نیز پس از تمام شدن مهمات کشته شده‌اند 27 Dec 2022 به تاریخ ۲۶ دیسمبر یک « فرمانده عمومی » برجسته مقاومت به نام خیرمحمد اندرابی در منطقه اندراب ولایت بغلان کشته شد . کشته شدن این فرمانده را هم کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی طرفدار طالبان که تصویر [ هشدار : گرافیک ] جسد این فرمانده را به اشتراک گذاشتند و هم جبهه مقاومت اندراب که بیانیه ای را در صفحه فیس بوک خود به اشتراک گذاشتند تایید شد . بر اساس گزارش های تایید نشده شبکه های اجتماعی ده ها تن دیگر از رزمندگان جبهه مقاومت اندراب به همراه فرمانده محمد اندرابی بر اثر تمام شدن مهمات رزمندگان مقاومت به شهادت رسیدند . تصاویری که از جسد محمد اندرابی توسط کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی طرفدار طالبان در فضای مجازی به اشتراک گذاشته شده جراحات شدیدی را در ناحیه صورت نشان می دهد . با این حال نمی توان علت دقیق مرگ را تأیید کرد . علاوه بر این این تصاویر حاکی از کمبود عرضه برای رزمندگان جبهه مقاومت اندراب بود زیرا محمد اندرابی در مقایسه با آخرین فیلم ضبط شده خود در جون ۲۰۲۲ لاغرتر و احتمالاً دچار سوء تغذیه به نظر می رسید . فعالیت جبهه مقاومت اندراب در جون ۲۰۲۲ بازرسان افغان وتنس دو مکان عملیاتی را برای " جبهه مقاومت اندراب " شناسایی کردند از جمله مکان دقیق " فرمانده عمومی " خیرمحمد اندرابی در منطقه نمک اندراب ولایت بغلان . در تصاویری که در رسانه های اجتماعی به اشتراک گذاشته شده است این گروه در دره همجوار ولسوالی پولی حصار ولایت بغلان موقعیت جغرافیایی خود را نشان می دهد که نشان می دهد جبهه مقاومت اندراب حداقل دو دره را در این منطقه در برد پنج کیلومتری حضور و / یا کنترل نسبی داشته است در جون ۲۰۲۲ . شکل : موقعیت جغرافیایی تصاویر حذف شده از جون ۲۰۲۲ از " فرمانده عمومی " خیرمحمد اندرابی در منطقه نمک ولایت بغلان [ ۳۵ . ۵۳۳۶۰۸ , ۶۹ . ۳۹۳۴۲۷ ] شکل : مکان‌های فرمانده عمومی « جبهه مقاومت اندراب » خیر محمد اندرابی [ سمت چپ ] و فعالیت تأیید شده این گروه [ راست ] در منطقه اندراب ولایت بغلان در جون ۲۰۲۲ . بر اساس بیانیه ای که جبهه مقاومت اندراب در صفحه فیسبوک خود به اشتراک گذاشته است درگیری در منطقه « خاج » این منطقه رخ داده است . منطقه خواج رشته کوهی است در چند کیلومتری غرب منطقه « نمک » که قبلاً خیرمحمد اندرابی در آن قرار داشت . سرکوب قبلی طالبان بر گروه های مقاومت درگذشت محمد اندرابی دومین درگذشت یک رزمنده عالی رتبه مقاومت بود . در سپتمبر ۲۰۲۲ " یارمحمد " یک فرمانده جبهه مقاومت ملی پنجشیر و پسرانش گفته می شود که توسط طالبان در منطقه دره هزاره ولسوالی دره پنجشیر کشته شدند . در فیلمی که عواقب این اعدام ها را نشان می دهد یکی از اعضای طالبان به گوش می رسد که می گوید : « دو برادر بودند . پدرشان آنجاست ... از ولسوالی خنج ». این اظهار نظر با اطلاعات سازمان غیردولتی افغان دیده بان صلح مطابقت دارد که گزارش داده است که در میان مردان اعدام شده « یارمحمد » فرمانده اردوگاه شبا [ یک اردوگاه مقاومت در منطقه دره هزاره ] و دو پسرش هستند . کشته شدن محمد اندرابی نشان میدهد که طالبان به احتمال زیاد مواضع جبهه مقاومت اندراب را در منطقه نمک / خاج تسخیر کرده اند . بازرسان افغان وتنس چهار مکان مقاومت را از حمله بهاری ۲۰۲۲ شناسایی کردند . دو مورد در منطقه اندراب در ولایت بغلان و دو مکان در ولایت پنجشیر که دو مورد از آنها احتمالاً اکنون توسط طالبان تسخیر شده است . خبرنگار افغان وتنس : افغان وتنس ۲۷ دیسمبر ۲۰۲۲

په کندهار کې د شعيه ګانو تر ټولو لوی جومات کې ځانمرګی برید وشو، هزاره قوم اقلیت په نښه شول د دوو چاودنو په پایله کې ۴۰ تنه وژل شوي دي، افغان وتنس د برید څخه د مخفي ویډیو څارنه عكاسي تحلیلوي خبرداری: دا مقاله د خورا ګرافیک موادو سره اړیکې لري. د ۲۰۲۱ کال د اکتوبر په ۱۵ د سهار په ۱۲:۴۲ دقیقو د سهار د پولیسو په لومړۍ ناحیه کې د کندهار د شعيه ګانو تر ټولو لوی جومات، مسجد جامعه فاطيمه یا د بي بي فاطمې په جومات کې د دوو چاودنو له امله تر ۴۰ زیات کسان ووژل شول او لسګونه نور ټپیان شول. اول شکل: په جومات کې هزاره لمونځ کوونکي. اول شکل: د برید ځای په کندهار ښار کې د شعيه ګانو ترټولو لوی جومات په توګه د فاطمې جومات په عمده توګه د هزاره قوم لخوا ګډون کيړي، چې د هیواد دریم لوی قومي ګروپ دی، چې د کلونو راهیسې په افغانستان او ګاونډي پاکستان کې له تبعیض او ځورونې سره مخ دی. داعش خراسان څانګې د خپلې خبري اژانس اعماق له خوا په خپره شوې خبرپاڼه کې د دغه برید مسوولیت منلی دی، دغې ډلې ویلي چې د اسلامي دولت دوه جنګیالي انس الخراساني او ابو علي البلوشي د جومات امنیتي دروازې ته ننوتل او پر ساتونکو یې ډزې وکړې، مخکې له دې چې د جمعې په لمانځه کې د بوختو لمونځ کوونکو په منځ کې ځانونه سره والوزوي. دريم شکل: داعش د خپل مسؤلیت په بیان کې. د عکس او ویډیو د ټویټر سخه تصويران تحلیلونو پراساس، د افغان وتنس پلټونکو وتوانیدل چې د دوو جلا جلا چاودنو شتون تایید کړي، یو د لمانځه په ساحه کې دننه او بل په اصلي دروازه کې لکه څنګه چې د لاندې ارقامو لخوا ښودل شوي. له برید یوه ورځ وروسته په ټویټر کې د مخفي ویډیو څارني تصويران خپاره شول چې دوه بریدګر ښه يي چي د اصلي دروازې مخې ته ډزې کوي، او د دوو ځانمرګو بریدونو دقیق ځایونه تاییدوي، د جومات دروازه او د لمانځه اصلي تالار برید، د ډزو له پیل څخه تر دویمې چاودنې پورې یوازې ٢٤ ثانیې دوام وکړ. د افغان وتنس د خلاصې سرچینې استخبارات د پلټونکو د مخفي ویډیو څارنه تصاوير کارولی ترڅو د برید بیا رغونه چمتو کړي. ۴،۵،۶ شکل د افغان وتنس لخوا د مخفي كمري تصاوير په کارولو سره د برید بیا رغونه. د کندهار په جومات کې چاودنه یوه اونۍ وروسته له هغه وشوه چې داعش خراسان د کندز ښار شمال په یوه جومات کې د شعيه عبادت کونکو په وړاندې ورته برید وکړ، په برید کې تر ۵۰ ډېر کسان وژل شوي او تر ۱۰۰ ډېر نور ټپیان دي. په کندهار کې د فاطمي جومات له برید سمدستي وروسته په ټولنیزو رسنیو کې پر خپلو پلویانو غږ وکړ چې د ټپیانو لپاره وینه ورکړي، د فرانسي پريس اژانس خبریال په وینا لږ تر لږه ١٥ امبولانسونه وروسته د پیښې پر ځای كي ول. یوې سیمه ییزې سرچینې په ټویټر کې خبر ورکړی، چې دوه ایراني کارګو الوتکې له طبي کارکوونکو او خوراکي توکو سره د اکتوبر په ۱۸مه کندهار ته راښکته شوې، څو د شعيه ګانو پر جومات د برید له قربانیانو سره مرستې او درملنه وکړي، او د ایران روغتونونو ته د خورا سختو ټپیانو د لېږد په ګډون د کندهار ولایت په روغتونو کې د تجهیزاتو کمښت له امله. ویل کیږي چې د ایران له خوا په ورکړل شویو مرستو کې له طالبانو سره د هوکړې له مخې څو ټنه درمل او خوراکي توکي شامل دي. ۸،۷ انځورونه: د راپورونو له مخې ایراني کارګو الوتکو د جومات برید قربانیانو ته اکمالات رسولي، انځورونه نا تاییده دي. داعش خراسان چې د هیواد د طالبانو واکمنانو سره مخالفت کوي، په تیرو وختونو کې په افغانستان کې ډیر بریدونه ترسره کړي، او افغان امنیتي ځواکونه، افغان سیاستوال او وزارتونه، د شیعه مسلمانانو او سیکانو په ګډون مذهبي اقلیتونه، د نجونو ښوونځي، روغتونونه او حتا د زیږدون ځایونه یې په نښه کړي دي، دوی هتا طالبان هم په نښه کړي دي، همداراز د امریکا او ناټو ځواکونه او د کومک کونکی موسيسو په ګډون نړیوالې ادارې هم په نښه کړي دي. افغان وتنس به د هیواد په ټولو ولایتونو کې د دوی فعالیتونو څارني ته دوام ورکوي.