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شعیب یک افسر سابق وزارت داخله کشور در بلاتکلیفی گیر مانده است حالا من نه کشوری دارم و نه دولتی در ۱۵ اگست زمانی که جنگجویان طالبان به سمت کابل پایتخت افغانستان پیشروی می کردند، شعیب افسر وزارت داخله کشور افغانستان، نا امیدانه تلفن خود را مرور می کرد. پس از آن بود که او با خبری مواجه شد که بیش از همه از او می ترسید: رئیس جمهور سابق افغانستان، اشرف غنی از کشور فرار کرده است. در آن لحظه، شعیب متوجه شد که در جمهوریت که برای ساختن شغلی در آن سخت کار کرده بود، فرو ریخته است. این افسر جوان که سه سال قبل به صفوف پلیس افغانستان پیوسته بود، روزها و شب‌ های پس از آن را کابوس ‌آمیز توصیف می‌کند با وجود عفو عمومی که توسط طالبان اعلام شده بود در حالی که آنها قدرت خود را در سراسر کشور جنگ‌ زده تثبیت کردند. برای شعیب، والدینش و ده خواهر و برادرش، این ترس بسیار واقعی تر بود، زیرا پدر شعیب نیز یکی از اعضای اداره استخباراتی دولت سابق بود. او به افغان وتنس می گوید: مادر من بی قرار بود و از ترس امنیت ما نمی خوابید، ما همه ترسیده بودیم و نمی دانستیم چه کنیم. در هفته ‌ها و ماه‌ های بعد، گزارش‌ هایی مبنی بر انتقام‌ جویی مشکوک طالبان علیه اعضای نیروهای امنیتی سابق منتشر شد و شعیب و پدرش مدام آدرس‌ هایشان را تغییر دادند تا احتمال ردیابی خود را به حداقل برسانند. شعیب توضیح می‌دهد: من معمولاً شب‌ ها را در خانه دوستان یا اقوامم می ‌گذراندم و پدرم در روستایی خارج از شهر مخفی می ‌شد. ماه گذشته، تحقیقات نیویورک تایمز نشان داد که نزدیک به ۵۰۰ مقام دولتی سابق و اعضای نیروهای امنیتی افغانستان در شش ماه اول بازگشت طالبان کشته یا به زور ناپدید شدند. در حالی که سخنگویان طالبان یا این گزارش ها را رد کرده و وعده تحقیقات در مورد ناپدید شدن ها را داده اند یا اعضای "سرکش" را مقصر دانسته اند، گروه های حقوق بشر به دلیل آنچه زیاد شدن شواهد این چنین حوادثی توصیف شده است مکرراً خواستار پاسخگویی طالبان شده اند. شعیب به افغان وتنس میگوید که تعداد واقعی قربانیان به اصطلاح حملات انتقام جویانه و کشتار احتمالاً بسیار بیشتر از ارقام گزارش شده توسط رسانه ها و گروه های حقوقی است. برای شعیب، ادعای عفو طالبان یک دروغ بزرگ بود که برای ردیابی و به دام انداختن پرسنل امنیتی سابق و کارمندان دولت استفاده شد. شعیب می گوید که برخی از همکاران سابقش موفق به فرار از کشور شدند، در حالی که او مدعی است برخی دیگر مخفی شده اند و بسیاری نیز ناپدید شده اند. در اوایل سال جاری، طالبان عملیات جست و جوی گسترده خانه به خانه را در سراسر کابل و برخی ولایات دیگر راه اندازی کردند تا ظاهراً به افزایش جنایات رسیدگی کنند. این جست و جوها باعث وحشت و ترس در میان ساکنان شد، به ویژه آنهایی که با دولت سابق در ارتباط بودند، و تلاش می کردند تا هر چیزی را که می تواند شواهدی از شغل گذشته آنها تلقی شود پنهان کنند یا در برخی موارد بسوزانند. در اواخر فوریه، با جستجوهای گسترده ای که در جریان بود، شعیب باید به سرعت تصمیم می گرفت. در حالی که راهی برای رسیدن به مقصدهای غربی به این زودی نداشت، به همراه خانواده اش به سمت مرز با همسایه ایران حرکت کرد که در نهایت توانستند به همراه هزاران افغان دیگر از کشور فرار کنند. شعیب با قاطعیت میگوید: به عنوان یکی از اعضای سابق نیروهای امنیتی، آینده امنی در افغانستان نخواهم داشت. شعیب بلافاصله پس از ورود به ایران، سعی کرد با همکاران بریتانیایی که زمانی با آنها در وزارت کشور افغانستان کار می کرد تماس بگیرد و به او گفته شد که واجد شرایط درخواست برای طرح سیاست جا بجایی و کمک به افغانها در بریتانیا است. با این حال، در دو ماه گذشته، شعیب و خانواده اش چیزی در مورد پیشرفت درخواست خود نشنیده اند و پس انداز آنها رو به اتمام است. شعیب به افغان وتنس میگوید: من در بلاتکلیفی گیر کرده ام، اگر بریتانیایی ‌ها که زمانی به آنها کمک می ‌کردم، به زودی به من کمک نکنند، نمی‌ توانم از این همه عدم اطمینان جان سالم به در ببرم. او میگوید: وقتی به گذشته نگاه می کنم، می‌ بینم که یک افسر جوان در دولت بودم، با جاه ‌طلبی بالا برای ادامه تحصیل، گرفتن مدرک کارشناسی ارشد و خدمت بهتر به کشورم. حالا اگر اینجا در ایران گیر کنم، نه کشوری دارم، نه حکومتی، و آنطور که می بینم، آینده ای هم ندارم. Interview by Afghan Witness Source:

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Taliban attempt to disrupt female-led protests, in some cases responding with violence Following a ban on non-approved protests, women campaigners and journalists have been met with force on several occassions 25 Oct 2021 Since the Taliban seized Afghanistan on August 15, female-led protests have been held in major cities across the country, including Kabul, Herat, Kandahar, Mazar-i-Sharif and Zaranj. Footage from multiple cities shows groups of women protesting against the Taliban and demanding their right to equality, work, and education. On several occasions, anti-Taliban protests also displayed strong anti-Pakistan messaging. The Afghan Witness (AW) database currently holds footage of at least 14 separate events and this is growing on a daily basis despite the ban on protests and slogans that have not been pre-approved by the Taliban. Map 1: Overview of cities where anti-Taliban protests have been observed since September At some protests, footage has emerged showing the Taliban attempting to disrupt protesters, in some cases leading to violence: On September 6, a Taliban vehicle attempted to disrupt a women’s protest in Mazar-i-Sharif by driving at protesters. Figure 1: Geolocation of protest in Mazar-i-Sharif On September 7, it was reported that two people were killed as the Taliban opened fire on a crowd after a peaceful protest in front of the Herat government office. According to online sources, many protesters also had their mobile phones confiscated. Figure 2: Geolocation of women fleeing shots during women-led protests in Herat. Figure 3: Geolocation of fatal shooting during women-led protests in Herat. On September 7, footage emerged of Taliban fighters shooting bullets into the air in Kabul - an apparent attempt to disperse protesters demonstrating against the Taliban and Pakistan. Figure 4: Geolocation of incident during women protests in Kabul on September 7 On the same day, approximately 30 women were temporarily held in a car park in Kabul, reportedly to prevent them from joining the ongoing protest. On September 8, a video emerged showing Taliban fighters [ GRAPHIC ] attacking protesting women in Kabul. Figure 5: Geolocation of incident during women’s protest in Kabul on September 8 On September 30, footage appeared of Taliban fighters harassing a woman and shooting bullets into the air in an apparent attempt to break up and disperse protesters in Kabul. Figure 6: Geolocation of incident during women’s protest in Kabul on September 30 Figure 7: Locations of all identified violent incidents during women-led protests in Kabul Journalists attempting to cover the women's rights protests have also faced disruption. According to The Committee to Protect Afghan Journalists , there have been numerous cases of violence against journalists since the Taliban takeover. A video from a women’s protest in Balkh province on September 6 shows a Taliban fighter with a gun threatening journalists. Figure 8: Geolocation of harassment of journalists in Balkh On September 8, two journalists from the news agency Etilatrooz were reportedly arrested as they covered a women’s protest in Kabul. One of the journalists reported that they were taken to the Karte Chahar prison in PD3, where they were [ GRAPHIC ] violently beaten. Images of their injuries – which included large weals and bruises – were shared widely on social media. Footage from October 21 shows an AFP journalist being violently attacked by Taliban fighters while covering a women’s protest in Kabul. The geolocation of the incident can be found in Figure 5. Organisations have expressed concern over the future of press freedom under Taliban rule. According to Human Rights Watch , in late September the Taliban Ministry of Information and Culture distributed strict media regulations that prohibited outlets from printing or broadcasting reports that “are contrary to Islam,” “insult national figures,” or “distort news content.” The regulations stated that journalists are required to “ensure that their reporting is balanced” and not report on “matters that have not been confirmed by officials” or issues that “could have a negative impact on the public’s attitude.” They also stated that media outlets would be required to “prepare detailed reports” with the new governmental regulatory body prior to publication. In the days following their takeover, Spokesperson Suhail Shaheen claimed the Taliban “believes in freedom of speech” and suggested those rights will extend to women in Afghanistan. However, the quasi-ban on protests, coupled with the regulations issued to the media, have raised concerns over the credibility of such claims. Share

​ ​ 24 Jan 2023

Ten ways life has changed for Afghan women since last International Women’s Day Since August, restrictions on women's education, work, travel, and dress have come into effect. 8 Mar 2022 Cover image: " Afghan Women Queue at World Food Programme Distribution Point " by United Nations Photo is marked with CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 . Last year’s International Women’s Day looked different for women in Afghanistan. Before the Taliban’s seizure of Kabul on August 15 last year, Afghan girls and women enjoyed relative freedom: they could work, attend education with male classmates, and choose what to wear. On International Women’s Day this year, six months on from the Taliban takeover, the situation for women has changed significantly. Afghan Witness (AW) explores ten ways in which women’s rights have been impacted by the Taliban’s restrictions. 1. Women’s Affairs Ministry replaced In September, the Taliban replaced the Ministry of Women’s Affairs in Kabul with the ‘Ministry for Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice’, which was previously responsible for enforcing the Taliban's strict interpretation of Islamic religious law, known as Sharia, when the group were first in power between 1996 and 2001. 2. University classes segregated During the Taliban’s previous rule, women and girls were banned from schools and universities. In September 2021, the Taliban’s Higher Education Minister, Abdul Baqi Haqqani, indicated that women would this time be allowed to study – just not alongside men. But with so few female professors to teach female students, it has become increasingly difficult for Afghan women to access education. 3. Dress code and curriculum changed for female students The Taliban also announced a review of the curriculum and introduced a new dress code which states that women – both staff and students – must attend university wearing ‘full hijab’ . The Taliban’s interpretation of ‘ hijab ’ is unclear, as the majority of Afghan women already wear headscarves. 4. Schools remain temporarily closed for girls beyond grade 7 Young Afghan girls sit in their Aliabad School classroom near Mazar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan, March 10, 2012 - Sgt. Kimberly Lamb (U.S. Armed Forces) Since August, girls in most of Afghanistan have not been allowed back to school beyond grade 7 , which the Taliban say “is a question of capacity”. According to Al Jazeera, a small proportion of girls older than grade 7 have been allowed back to classrooms in state-run schools, but only in about a dozen of the country’s 34 provinces. Most teachers have not been paid since last June . In January, the Taliban announced that they would open classrooms for all girls and women in the Afghan New Year, which starts on March 21, but some girls have expressed doubt around this claim. 5. Female employees restricted from working Afghan police women prepare to graduate from Women’s Police Corps training,Mazar-e-Sharif, 2011 - Air Force photo by Master Sgt. Kristina Newton Under their previous rule in the 1990s, the Taliban barred women from working. A report released by the UN Development Program indicated that women accounted for 20% of the country's workforce in 2020, with a growing number of them running small businesses. Since returning to power, while not explicitly banning females from working, the Taliban has continued to eliminate women from workplaces. In September, a Taliban senior figure told Reuters that Afghan women should not work alongside men. This was followed by another decree issued by the interim mayor which instructed female employees of Kabul's city government to stay home. A small number of women in essential services like nursing have been asked to resume work, but their pay remains precarious. 6. Women banned from traveling alone over 72 km Woman clad in burqa walking in Afghanistan - Mark Reldy In December, the Taliban announced that women travelling further than 72km (45 miles) should be accompanied by a close male family member. The guidance, issued by the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice – which replaced the former government’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs – also called on vehicle owners to refuse rides to women not wearing headscarves. Human Rights Watch heavily criticised the guidance, with Heather Barr , the group’s associate director of women’s rights, stating that the move “shuts off opportunities for [women] to be able to move about freely, to travel to another city, to do business, (or) to be able to flee if they are facing violence in the home.” 7. Heads of mannequins removed At the beginning of the year, a video went viral of a shopkeeper sawing the heads off female mannequins after the Taliban ordered shop owners in western Afghanistan to remove the heads of mannequins, insisting the life-sized figures violate Islamic law. While not aimed at female mannequins alone, most of the mannequins are inevitably female. 8. TV shows featuring women restricted In November, the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice issued a statement that broadcasting channels were no longer allowed to air dramas or soap operas featuring women, and told broadcasters not to screen films or programmes that are “against Islamic or Afghan values”. In the Taliban’s previous stint in power, between 1996-2001, television, films and most other forms of entertainment were deemed immoral, and as a result, were banned . 9. Female TV journalists must cover their hair In the same month, female TV journalists and reporters were also instructed to cover their hair when broadcasting. Afghan journalists in general have expressed concern around press freedoms under the Taliban’s rule – particularly when it comes to reporting on anti-Taliban protests. 10. Women’s shelters shut " 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence starts " by UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan is marked with CC BY-NC 2.0 . Women’s services and organisations face uncertain futures with the Taliban’s return. According to Human Rights Watch, the Taliban has “ systematically ” shut shelters for women and girls escaping violent and abusive partners. The response from campaigners Since the Taliban returned last August, female campaigners and activists have protested to protect their rights and fight against the growing restrictions. While the Taliban have issued a quasi-ban on public demonstrations, campaigners have continued protesting in provinces across the country. A trend of indoor protests – held in offices and homes and photographed or filmed for social media – has also emerged due to there being a lesser risk of arrest or force from the Taliban. However, activists and organisations remain fearful after several prominent women activists were recently detained . While the Taliban have claimed women’s rights will be respected and their regime will be more moderate than previous periods of Taliban rule, the restrictions introduced so far – and the treatment of female activists – have raised concerns over the Taliban’s interpretation of women’s rights and the place of women in Afghanistan. Share

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​ ​ 28 Feb 2023

څنګه د نجونو د ښوونځیو په اړه یو ناسم مطبوعاتي اعلامیه نړیوال سرلیکونه جوړ کړل افغان وتنس هغه جعلي مطبوعاتي اعالمیه تحلیلوي چې د ډیرو معتبرو خبري رسنیو او ډیری ژورنالیستانو لخوا اخیستل شوي د جولای په نیمایي کې د سکای نیوز په ګډون یو شمیر معتبرو نړیوالو خبري رسنیو راپور ورکړ چې طالبان به په نږدې راتلونکي کې د نجونو ښوونځي بیرته پرانیزي. دا د دې لامل شو چې د طالبانو سره تړلي ټویټر حسابونه دا ادعاوې رد کړي او کیسه یې دروغ وبلله. لومړنۍ ادعا د جولای په ۱۲ د یو حساب [@MoEducationIEA] لخوا خپره شوې وه چې د [اوس حذف شوي] بیان په کارولو سره ادعا کوي د پنجشنبې په ورځ د ۲۳ سرطان شمسي کال ۱۴ د ذوالحجې قمري کال (د ۲۰۲۲ کال د جولای ۱۴) د امر بالمعروف او نهي عن المنکراو چارواکو او د پوهنې وزارت به په ټول افغانستان کې د نجونو د ښوونځیو د پرانستلو په اړه د اطلاعاتو او رسنیو په مرکز کې ګډه خبري غونډه وکړي. د خبري کنفرانس د پوښښ لپاره د رسنیو استازو ته بلنه ورکول کیږي. موضوع د ستر لارښود په حکم په ټول هیواد کې د نجونو د ښوونځیو پرانیستل. نېټه او وخت پنجشنبه د ثور ۲۳مه ۱۴۰۱ هجري لمریز کال (د ۲۰۲۲ کال د جولای ۱۴) د سهار ۱۰:۰۰ بجې ځای د مارمارین ماڼۍ د IEA د اطلاعاتو او رسنیو مرکز. انځور: مطبوعاتي اعالمیه چې د پوهنې وزارت اعلانوي یو مطبوعاتي کنفرانس به د نجونو د ښوونځیو د بیا پرانیستلو تایید وکړي. د ټویټر لومړني کاروونکي چې د غلط بیان په شریکولو سره یې د ښکیلتیا زیاتوالی رامینځته کړی و د افغانستان انټرنیشنل خبریال تاج الدین سروش او یو مشهور ژورنالیست بلال سروري وو. دواړو په نږدې وخت کې ټویټ شریک کړ. سکای نیوز بیا اعلان وکړ چې طالبان به د پنجشنبې په ورځ [د جولای په ۱۴] د نجونو ښوونځي پرانیزي چې ادعا یې د پوهنې وزارت پخپله تایید کړه. د جولای په ۱۳ کله چې غلط مطبوعاتي اعالمیه نړیوال پام ځانته راوباسي طالبانو د پوهنې وزارت د رسمي اکاونټ [@MoEAfghanistan] له لارې دا ډول اعلان رد کړ او ویې ویل په ټولنیزو رسنیو کې د نجونو د پیل په اړه هر ډول اعلان. له اووم نه تر دوولسم ټولګي پورې ښوونځي رښتیا نه دي جعلي دي. انځور: د پوهنې وزارت د رسمي اکاونټ څخه ټویټ چې د مسخره شوي مطبوعاتي اعالمیه ناسمه وه. په سور کې ټکي جعلي خبرونه لوستل کیږي. د افغان وتنس پلټونکو د حساب [@MoEducationIEA] لخوا وړاندې شوی بیان تحلیل کړ د د اصلي مطبوعاتي اعلامیو سره پرتله کول او د بیان سموالی تایید کول. د ټویټر اکاونټ [@MoEducationIEA] پخوا د @AbdulBaqiHaqani په نوم یاد شوی و چې د طالبانو د لوړو زده کړو د سرپرست وزیر عبدالباقي حقاني په غلط نوم لیکل شوی و. اکاونټ خپل نوم د ۲۰۲۲ کال د مارچ تر پایه او د ۲۰۲۲ د جولای د ۱۱ تر منځ بدل کړ. ټول پخواني ټویټونه حذف شول [د مارچ له یو ټویټ پرته]. د جولای د ۱۱ څخه وروسته اکاونټ د انفرادي ټویټونو بیا پوسټ کول پیل کړل چې د پوهنې وزارت اصلي حساب [@MoEducationIEA] لخوا جوړ شوي. پدې کې ټویټونه شامل دي لکه د ازموینې پروسې په اړه د شکایتونو ثبتولو لپاره د فارم شریکول کوم چې د حساب مشروعیت ډیر کړی. اکاونټ بیا د یوې مطبوعاتي اعلامیې ټوکه خپره کړه ادعا یې وکړه چې هلته به یو کنفرانس وي چې د نجونو د ښوونځیو د بیا پرانستلو اعلان وکړي. د تحلیل وروسته ډیری شاخصونه شتون لري چې وړاندیز کوي حساب د ډاکټر بیان خپور کړی د سند په ښکته برخه کې بې سمونه فونټونه. د مطبوعاتي اعالمیې لاندې د ټولنیزو رسنیو نوم د 'o' او 'e' لاندې تور خورا لږ مقدار درلود. دا پلټونکي د دې لامل شوي چې لوګو او نوم په اصلي متن کې کاپي او پیسټ شوی وي ترڅو داسې ښکاري چې د جعلي کارونکي لاسوند رسمي وي. شکل: د ټویټر د نوم لاندې د بې مطابقت فونټونو پراخول. شکل: د مطبوعاتي اعلامیې لاندې برخه د ټولنیزو رسنیو نوم د ('o' و او 'e' ی) لاندې د تور خورا لږ مقدار سره دا پیښه د یوې نسبتا پرمختللې غلطې هڅې ښیي چې طالبان د کلون حساب په جوړولو سره شرموي د مشروعیت رامینځته کولو لپاره یې د یوې مودې لپاره پرمخ وړي او بیا یې د غلط بیان خپرولو لپاره کاروي. دا د طالبانو د حسابونو د نه تصدیق کولو په اړه د ټویټر د پالیسۍ منفي اړخ هم په ګوته کوي. پداسې حال کې چې پریکړه د دې لپاره ډیزاین شوې چې طالبانو ته مشروعیت نه ورکوي دا د جعلي حسابونو رامینځته کول او د غلط معلوماتو هڅو کې کارول اسانه کوي. د افغان وتنس خبریال : افغان وتنس ۲۶ جولای ۲۰۲۲

فرمانده کل جبهه مقاومت اندراب کشته شد کشته شدن این فرمانده را هم کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی طرفدار طالبان و هم جبهه مقاومت اندراب تایید کردند که بیانیه ای را در صفحه فیسبوک خود به اشتراک گذاشتند. گزارش‌های تایید نشده رسانه‌های اجتماعی ادعا می‌کنند که ده‌ها جنگجوی جبهه مقاومت اندراب نیز پس از تمام شدن مهمات کشته شده‌اند 27 Dec 2022 به تاریخ ۲۶ دیسمبر یک « فرمانده عمومی » برجسته مقاومت به نام خیرمحمد اندرابی در منطقه اندراب ولایت بغلان کشته شد . کشته شدن این فرمانده را هم کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی طرفدار طالبان که تصویر [ هشدار : گرافیک ] جسد این فرمانده را به اشتراک گذاشتند و هم جبهه مقاومت اندراب که بیانیه ای را در صفحه فیس بوک خود به اشتراک گذاشتند تایید شد . بر اساس گزارش های تایید نشده شبکه های اجتماعی ده ها تن دیگر از رزمندگان جبهه مقاومت اندراب به همراه فرمانده محمد اندرابی بر اثر تمام شدن مهمات رزمندگان مقاومت به شهادت رسیدند . تصاویری که از جسد محمد اندرابی توسط کاربران شبکه های اجتماعی طرفدار طالبان در فضای مجازی به اشتراک گذاشته شده جراحات شدیدی را در ناحیه صورت نشان می دهد . با این حال نمی توان علت دقیق مرگ را تأیید کرد . علاوه بر این این تصاویر حاکی از کمبود عرضه برای رزمندگان جبهه مقاومت اندراب بود زیرا محمد اندرابی در مقایسه با آخرین فیلم ضبط شده خود در جون ۲۰۲۲ لاغرتر و احتمالاً دچار سوء تغذیه به نظر می رسید . فعالیت جبهه مقاومت اندراب در جون ۲۰۲۲ بازرسان افغان وتنس دو مکان عملیاتی را برای " جبهه مقاومت اندراب " شناسایی کردند از جمله مکان دقیق " فرمانده عمومی " خیرمحمد اندرابی در منطقه نمک اندراب ولایت بغلان . در تصاویری که در رسانه های اجتماعی به اشتراک گذاشته شده است این گروه در دره همجوار ولسوالی پولی حصار ولایت بغلان موقعیت جغرافیایی خود را نشان می دهد که نشان می دهد جبهه مقاومت اندراب حداقل دو دره را در این منطقه در برد پنج کیلومتری حضور و / یا کنترل نسبی داشته است در جون ۲۰۲۲ . شکل : موقعیت جغرافیایی تصاویر حذف شده از جون ۲۰۲۲ از " فرمانده عمومی " خیرمحمد اندرابی در منطقه نمک ولایت بغلان [ ۳۵ . ۵۳۳۶۰۸ , ۶۹ . ۳۹۳۴۲۷ ] شکل : مکان‌های فرمانده عمومی « جبهه مقاومت اندراب » خیر محمد اندرابی [ سمت چپ ] و فعالیت تأیید شده این گروه [ راست ] در منطقه اندراب ولایت بغلان در جون ۲۰۲۲ . بر اساس بیانیه ای که جبهه مقاومت اندراب در صفحه فیسبوک خود به اشتراک گذاشته است درگیری در منطقه « خاج » این منطقه رخ داده است . منطقه خواج رشته کوهی است در چند کیلومتری غرب منطقه « نمک » که قبلاً خیرمحمد اندرابی در آن قرار داشت . سرکوب قبلی طالبان بر گروه های مقاومت درگذشت محمد اندرابی دومین درگذشت یک رزمنده عالی رتبه مقاومت بود . در سپتمبر ۲۰۲۲ " یارمحمد " یک فرمانده جبهه مقاومت ملی پنجشیر و پسرانش گفته می شود که توسط طالبان در منطقه دره هزاره ولسوالی دره پنجشیر کشته شدند . در فیلمی که عواقب این اعدام ها را نشان می دهد یکی از اعضای طالبان به گوش می رسد که می گوید : « دو برادر بودند . پدرشان آنجاست ... از ولسوالی خنج ». این اظهار نظر با اطلاعات سازمان غیردولتی افغان دیده بان صلح مطابقت دارد که گزارش داده است که در میان مردان اعدام شده « یارمحمد » فرمانده اردوگاه شبا [ یک اردوگاه مقاومت در منطقه دره هزاره ] و دو پسرش هستند . کشته شدن محمد اندرابی نشان میدهد که طالبان به احتمال زیاد مواضع جبهه مقاومت اندراب را در منطقه نمک / خاج تسخیر کرده اند . بازرسان افغان وتنس چهار مکان مقاومت را از حمله بهاری ۲۰۲۲ شناسایی کردند . دو مورد در منطقه اندراب در ولایت بغلان و دو مکان در ولایت پنجشیر که دو مورد از آنها احتمالاً اکنون توسط طالبان تسخیر شده است . خبرنگار افغان وتنس : افغان وتنس ۲۷ دیسمبر ۲۰۲۲

په کندهار کې د شعيه ګانو تر ټولو لوی جومات کې ځانمرګی برید وشو، هزاره قوم اقلیت په نښه شول د دوو چاودنو په پایله کې ۴۰ تنه وژل شوي دي، افغان وتنس د برید څخه د مخفي ویډیو څارنه عكاسي تحلیلوي خبرداری: دا مقاله د خورا ګرافیک موادو سره اړیکې لري. د ۲۰۲۱ کال د اکتوبر په ۱۵ د سهار په ۱۲:۴۲ دقیقو د سهار د پولیسو په لومړۍ ناحیه کې د کندهار د شعيه ګانو تر ټولو لوی جومات، مسجد جامعه فاطيمه یا د بي بي فاطمې په جومات کې د دوو چاودنو له امله تر ۴۰ زیات کسان ووژل شول او لسګونه نور ټپیان شول. اول شکل: په جومات کې هزاره لمونځ کوونکي. اول شکل: د برید ځای په کندهار ښار کې د شعيه ګانو ترټولو لوی جومات په توګه د فاطمې جومات په عمده توګه د هزاره قوم لخوا ګډون کيړي، چې د هیواد دریم لوی قومي ګروپ دی، چې د کلونو راهیسې په افغانستان او ګاونډي پاکستان کې له تبعیض او ځورونې سره مخ دی. داعش خراسان څانګې د خپلې خبري اژانس اعماق له خوا په خپره شوې خبرپاڼه کې د دغه برید مسوولیت منلی دی، دغې ډلې ویلي چې د اسلامي دولت دوه جنګیالي انس الخراساني او ابو علي البلوشي د جومات امنیتي دروازې ته ننوتل او پر ساتونکو یې ډزې وکړې، مخکې له دې چې د جمعې په لمانځه کې د بوختو لمونځ کوونکو په منځ کې ځانونه سره والوزوي. دريم شکل: داعش د خپل مسؤلیت په بیان کې. د عکس او ویډیو د ټویټر سخه تصويران تحلیلونو پراساس، د افغان وتنس پلټونکو وتوانیدل چې د دوو جلا جلا چاودنو شتون تایید کړي، یو د لمانځه په ساحه کې دننه او بل په اصلي دروازه کې لکه څنګه چې د لاندې ارقامو لخوا ښودل شوي. له برید یوه ورځ وروسته په ټویټر کې د مخفي ویډیو څارني تصويران خپاره شول چې دوه بریدګر ښه يي چي د اصلي دروازې مخې ته ډزې کوي، او د دوو ځانمرګو بریدونو دقیق ځایونه تاییدوي، د جومات دروازه او د لمانځه اصلي تالار برید، د ډزو له پیل څخه تر دویمې چاودنې پورې یوازې ٢٤ ثانیې دوام وکړ. د افغان وتنس د خلاصې سرچینې استخبارات د پلټونکو د مخفي ویډیو څارنه تصاوير کارولی ترڅو د برید بیا رغونه چمتو کړي. ۴،۵،۶ شکل د افغان وتنس لخوا د مخفي كمري تصاوير په کارولو سره د برید بیا رغونه. د کندهار په جومات کې چاودنه یوه اونۍ وروسته له هغه وشوه چې داعش خراسان د کندز ښار شمال په یوه جومات کې د شعيه عبادت کونکو په وړاندې ورته برید وکړ، په برید کې تر ۵۰ ډېر کسان وژل شوي او تر ۱۰۰ ډېر نور ټپیان دي. په کندهار کې د فاطمي جومات له برید سمدستي وروسته په ټولنیزو رسنیو کې پر خپلو پلویانو غږ وکړ چې د ټپیانو لپاره وینه ورکړي، د فرانسي پريس اژانس خبریال په وینا لږ تر لږه ١٥ امبولانسونه وروسته د پیښې پر ځای كي ول. یوې سیمه ییزې سرچینې په ټویټر کې خبر ورکړی، چې دوه ایراني کارګو الوتکې له طبي کارکوونکو او خوراکي توکو سره د اکتوبر په ۱۸مه کندهار ته راښکته شوې، څو د شعيه ګانو پر جومات د برید له قربانیانو سره مرستې او درملنه وکړي، او د ایران روغتونونو ته د خورا سختو ټپیانو د لېږد په ګډون د کندهار ولایت په روغتونو کې د تجهیزاتو کمښت له امله. ویل کیږي چې د ایران له خوا په ورکړل شویو مرستو کې له طالبانو سره د هوکړې له مخې څو ټنه درمل او خوراکي توکي شامل دي. ۸،۷ انځورونه: د راپورونو له مخې ایراني کارګو الوتکو د جومات برید قربانیانو ته اکمالات رسولي، انځورونه نا تاییده دي. داعش خراسان چې د هیواد د طالبانو واکمنانو سره مخالفت کوي، په تیرو وختونو کې په افغانستان کې ډیر بریدونه ترسره کړي، او افغان امنیتي ځواکونه، افغان سیاستوال او وزارتونه، د شیعه مسلمانانو او سیکانو په ګډون مذهبي اقلیتونه، د نجونو ښوونځي، روغتونونه او حتا د زیږدون ځایونه یې په نښه کړي دي، دوی هتا طالبان هم په نښه کړي دي، همداراز د امریکا او ناټو ځواکونه او د کومک کونکی موسيسو په ګډون نړیوالې ادارې هم په نښه کړي دي. افغان وتنس به د هیواد په ټولو ولایتونو کې د دوی فعالیتونو څارني ته دوام ورکوي.

Two years of Taliban rule: documenting human rights abuses using open source Report by Afghan Witness details more than 3,000 claims of human rights violations in Afghanistan under Taliban rule 15 Aug 2023 Cover image: Canva . A PDF version of the full report is available at the bottom of the page. Executive summary When the Taliban assumed power in Afghanistan in August 2021, the group’s leadership sent a message to international governments: this time would be different. Women’s rights would be respected, security assured, and a general amnesty granted to all who had fought against the group or worked for the former government. These were the messages Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid delivered in a speech just days after the group seized Kabul. “ We have pardoned anyone, all those who had fought against us ,” Mujahid announced during the Taliban’s first press conference following the takeover. He added that “ Security has been assured ”, and promised that women’s rights would be respected “ within the framework of Sharia ”. When asked about press freedom, Mujahid replied that the Taliban “ are committed to media within our cultural frameworks ”, and that private media can “ continue to be free and independent .” Since October 2021, Afghan Witness (AW) has been using open source data collection and analysis techniques to collect, preserve and verify user-generated content and media reports emerging from Afghanistan. This report aims to provide an overview of the project’s monitoring across four categories: human rights violations (HRVs) and abuses related to right to life, torture and liberty; the rights of women and girls; violations against vulnerable and marginalised groups, and the freedom of civil society and the media to operate. Data the project has collected and analysed over the last two years paints a very different picture to the promises made in the initial days of the Taliban takeover. Throughout the last two years, there has been a steady stream of reports of human rights abuses. As well as widespread reports of killings, detentions and torture there are continuing reports of reprisals targeted at former Afghan defence and security forces (ANDSF), as well as arrests of civil society activists and journalists. In October 2022, the Taliban also announced the return of public punishments in Afghanistan, resulting in frequent lashings, as well as two executions, issued by the Taliban-led Supreme Court. Restrictions on women’s rights have gradually worsened throughout the last two years: after an initial period of uncertainty and a degree of flexibility at local levels, the Taliban have introduced nationwide edicts targeting women’s dress, ability to work, access to education and freedom of movement. Hundreds of reports of women being violently killed by Taliban, family members, or unknown actors have also surfaced. AW has recorded 3,329 reports of human rights abuses since January 15, 2022 relating to infringements of the right to life, right to freedom from torture, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, women’s rights and more. There has been a steady reporting of the killing and detention of former ANDSF members. Since January 2022, AW has recorded 112 claims of killings and 130 detentions – likely an undercount, given the high number of cases where the victims and perpetrators are unidentified. AW has recorded 56 announcements by the Taliban-led Supreme Court issuing punishments in public to more than 350 individuals, predominantly for ‘moral’ crimes such as having an illicit relationship, sodomy and adultery. Despite wide-ranging and increasing suppression of resistance to Taliban rule, AW has verified nearly 70 women-led street demonstrations since the first one in August 2021, in large part protesting increasing restrictions on girls’ and women’s access to education and work. Between March 1, 2023 and June 27, 2023, AW recorded and analysed 95 separate women’s protests, including 84 indoor protests and 11 street demonstrations across 12 provinces in Afghanistan. Between January 15, 2022 and July 20, 2023, AW recorded 188 cases of women being killed by a range of actors, including family members, unknown perpetrators, and in some instances, alleged Taliban members. Afghanistan has seen the gradual erosion of space for independent media and civil society. AW has recorded 67 reports of civil society activists and protesters being arrested between January 15, 2022 and July 20, 2023. During the same period, AW recorded 98 reports of journalists, photographers and media commentators being detained by the Taliban across Afghanistan. Afghanistan has seen numerous attacks by Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP) on Hazara and Shia communities since 2016. These continued during the Taliban’s first year of rule, with mosques, schools and religious celebrations targeted. Across the two year period, AW records show that ISKP have claimed 29 attacks on Hazaras and Shias, resulting in the deaths of 193 people and 454 injured since August 2021, according to media reports. Differing trends in first and second year of rule Based on AW’s open source monitoring, there have been some differences in trends in the first and second years of Taliban rule. The first year saw the group clamp down on dissent, with the reported arrests of women’s rights activists, journalists and protesters. The Taliban issued a series of restrictions on the media which, coupled with economic constraints and the flight of journalists, has led to the reported closures of hundreds of outlets. The overall level of armed violence in the country immediately decreased following the Taliban takeover. However, the security situation in the first year of the group’s rule remained volatile, with IS affiliate ISKP committing regular attacks on both civilian and Taliban targets. Spring 2022 saw an offensive erupt between resistance forces and Taliban in the north of the country, which led to widespread allegations – some verified by AW – of human rights abuses committed against resistance fighters, including extrajudicial executions and mass arrests. The second year of Taliban rule, however, has been somewhat different. Our open source monitoring indicates that as a result of both Taliban restrictions and self-censorship, media and opposition in the country have largely dispersed, though reported arrests of women’s rights activists, educational campaigners and journalists have continued. Women have continued to protest against Taliban restrictions and edicts, but protests have largely been held indoors – seemingly an attempt by protesters to conceal their identities and reduce the risk of facing arrest or violence. Despite these threats, women have still taken to the streets to protest major edicts, including the ban on women’s university education in December 2022, and the closure of beauty salons in July 2023. In both cases, AW verified examples of the Taliban responding with force, using aerial gunfire and water cannons to disperse protesters. AW has recorded far less activity by resistance forces during the second year of the Taliban’s rule, and, after several high-profile attacks claimed by ISKP in the first few months of 2023 – mainly targeting Taliban figures – AW has also seen a drop-off in ISKP activity following a period of intensified raids against alleged IS cells in March and April. ISKP also appear to have shifted away from attacks on civilians and Hazara and Shia neighbourhoods and have focused instead on predominantly Taliban targets. Figure: a graph showing the number of reported human rights incidents recorded per reporting period by AW between January 15, 2022 and July 20, 2023. Read the full report below: AW_ANNIVERSARY_REPORT_150823_FINAL .pdf Download PDF • 4.04MB Share

The stories of Afghanistan’s women journalists From breaking barriers and challenging taboos, to facing widespread restrictions, AW looks at the experience of Afghanistan’s female journalists since the Taliban’s takeover. 23 Jan 2024 Cover photo: © Afghan Witness, 2023, Kabul, Afghanistan For many women in Afghanistan, choosing to enter the media world is not just a career decision but a revolutionary act against cultural taboos and repression. Journalism serves as a beacon of hope and defiance in places like Afghanistan. Mariam – not her real name – was inspired to pursue journalism by her aunt, a distinguished journalist in Afghanistan. "I wanted to become like her, a well-known, respected person," Mariam expressed with pride. She saw journalism as a crucial medium for societal transformation, reflecting that it was a way "to convey the voices and problems of people to relevant authorities and the world." This is a sentiment echoed by another Afghan journalist, Khujesta. She tells AW that she believed her work symbolised the breaking of “cultural taboos” and Afghanistan’s progress: "My work as a woman journalist was crucial – the media plays a key role in every society, not just in Afghanistan. It was vital to show the positive developments in Afghanistan.” Khujesta – not her real name – started her career five years ago as a volunteer anchor for an education-focused television station. From there, she quickly climbed the ranks and found herself working at a national news channel. She says that as a female journalist, she felt she was setting an example of what other women in Afghanistan could also achieve. “It conveyed a feeling of ’we can do this!’ to other women and girls in Afghanistan so that they can live a good life. Cultural taboos and limitations towards women were decreasing, and more women were willing to work and present themselves publicly. Their mindsets changed for the better,” Khujesta adds. Even prior to the Taliban takeover in 2021, female journalists faced challenges. In 2019, the Afghanistan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) recorded 105 cases of violence against journalists and media workers; out of all cases 18 were women. According to AJSC, there was a 13% decline in overall violence against journalists in 2019 compared to the previous year. “I fought, and I ignored people's words and slanders so that the seal of silence surrounding women would be broken and they could get their rights,” Azita expresses. After the fall of the first Taliban regime in 2001, despite journalists still facing significant threats, Afghanistan's media landscape saw rapid growth with a variety of programming. Media played an integral role in disseminating information, public awareness, education, spaces of debate and played the role of watch dog to hold the Afghan government and relevant bodies accountable to the public. “I was part of the Afghan media family, and despite the social and security problems, I continued my work without any fear,” Azita Nazimi told AW who is a prominent journalist, TV anchor, and women's rights activist, she also protested against the Taliban's restrictions. Azita recalls the relative freedom that marked Afghanistan's media space prior to the Taliban's resurgence, noting, "during the last 20 years until the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, the situation of media and freedom of expression was remarkably good." Anisa Shaheed, a renowned journalist, was recognised by Reporters Without Borders as an "information hero" among 30 individuals worldwide. Photo by UN Women/Ryan Brown/ October 2021 on Flickr: https://rb.gy/gs6j5f Post-Taliban takeover Everything changed on August 15, 2021 – the day the Taliban seized power in Kabul. Khujesta remembers that day vividly: that morning, she had delivered the morning news bulletin as usual, but by noon, she and her colleagues were fleeing their office. "The atmosphere became suffocating," Khujesta remembers. Three days later, she returned to her office, only to be told she no longer had the right to continue her work. Employment opportunities disappeared in an instant, transforming the once-thriving media scene into a desolate expanse of quiet and fear. “When the Taliban came in 2021, my workspace became unbearable," describes Angeza – not her real name – another female journalist AW spoke to. According to the international media NGO Reporters Without Borders (RSF), in 2020, Kabul alone had 108 media outlets with 1,080 female employees, of which 700 were journalists. Furthermore, in the entire country, 2,756 women journalists and media workers were employed prior to August 15, 2021. Mariam's time at her workplace, which is a well-known private news channel, exemplified this sudden shift. The Taliban's restrictions on the press – including ban on types of content contrary to the Taliban’s beliefs such as music, entertainment, and programs that include women & promotes women’s rights – transformed her workplace into an oppressive space, making the simple act of going out to report a risky endeavour. "Every time I went out to make a report, I was taken by the Taliban intelligence officers either to the police station or the police headquarters," Mariam recounts. Afghanistan’s media landscape has undergone significant change since the takeover, a result of both Taliban restrictions and economic impacts. According to a RSF survey , in the first year of the Taliban’s takeover, Afghanistan lost almost 40% of its media outlets and 60% of its journalists. "At the gates of the police station, another Taliban member asked the one who was with us why we had been brought in, and he replied it was because of filming. I won't forget how he responded, saying, 'You could just use two of your bullets on them and make it easy,' to his colleague," Mariam recalls the moment when the Taliban threatened her. AW cannot independently verify the claim. The Taliban's restrictions on women's dress and work have compounded the challenges faced by female journalists in Afghanistan, affecting hundreds of already established and rising female journalists. Many of these journalists such as Angeza, with 16 years of experience, witnessed the stifling control exerted by the Taliban: “The Taliban pressured women journalists to wear face masks and broadcast current affairs and reports based on their will," she tells AW. Angeza believes that censorship of the news is a violation of human rights, and similarly other restrictions that curtails women’s ability to be present in the society. She asks, "Closing schools for girls and depriving teachers of their livelihood by taking a percentage of their salaries to be distributed to the Taliban members, isn’t a violation of human rights?". New figures from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) indicate a steep decline in female employment levels in Afghanistan since the Taliban took over in 2021. In the fourth quarter of 2022, female employment was approximately 25% lower than in the second quarter of 2021, before the Taliban’s takeover. In the same period, male employment levels also declined by 7%. “All my dreams and those of other women were dashed, and all the achievements of twenty years were reduced to zero,” reflects Azita. Women, particularly in the media, found themselves unemployed , confined to their homes, or forced to flee. Khujesta acknowledges that the challenges facing female journalists in Afghanistan are two-fold . Post-Taliban takeover, the country’s media outlets face self-censorship, limited access to information, and ​​​​restrictions on the topics they can report on, but female journalists must also navigate restrictions on their rights as women – particularly on their employment, dress and freedom of movement – which further limit their ability to report. Struggling with mental health and forced into exile Azita was forced into exile in Germany after protesting against the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s right to education, work and personal freedom. Many of her fellow activists were allegedly detained and beaten by the Taliban. "I witnessed the scene where protesting women and journalists who came to cover the protest were whipped and beaten,” she recalls. In August 2022, journalists reported how the Taliban beat and threatened a group of women protesters who marched and chanted slogans of "bread, work and freedom" in Kabul. According to reports, some women who hid in shops were chased and beaten by the Taliban fighters. Photo: © Afghan Witness, 2023, Kabul, Afghanistan “I am no longer that Mariam of two years ago – now Mariam is heartbroken,” Mariam sorrowfully adds, reflecting on the impact on her mental health. She is not alone in these feelings – a joint report from three U.N. agencies indicates a decline in the mental health of Afghan women, who have endured severe restrictions enforced by the Taliban since their rise to power two years ago, affecting women nationwide. Conversations with Afghan women reveal the mental toll of life under the Taliban: "I was under extreme mental pressure. I was thinking that perhaps I was losing my mind," Mariam tells AW. Similar experiences were also shared by Angeza; “I went through many changes, including becoming a refugee in a second country and waiting uncertain to be settled somewhere safe. I don’t have a job now, my children are left without education and schools.” Angeza’s transition from a respected journalist to a refugee grappling with uncertainty in a foreign land illustrates the profound personal impact of these changes, in particular, a feeling of a loss of identity. Despite the distance from their home country and the crushing weight of the challenges they face, there is a spirit of resistance among these women, as well as an enduring commitment to journalism. Khujesta, now living in Spain, continues to report on Afghanistan's situation. Her plea to fellow journalists is to not give up on the achievements of the past twenty years, a clarion call for resilience. "Now the Taliban have come to rule and stop us from breathing, we [women] must stand up against them [the Taliban] and take [back] our rights – our rights are the right to life," Khujesta expresses. According to RSF, Afghanistan is among most dangerous countries for journalists along with Vietnam and Russia. In 2023, the Taliban jailed 21 journalists in Afghanistan. Despite the challenges, the female journalists we spoke to call for international support of those who still report from on the ground. “I want to encourage other journalists that they should never cover up the truth and never get involved in self-censorship or censoring their reports. They must publish the facts about Afghanistan and what is happening here, and those outside the country must support journalists inside the country so they can continue their important work,” Mariam tells AW. At the time of writing this report, Mariam (not her real name) informed AW reporter that she has sought relocation to a European country but has to yet to hear back. Share