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Afghanistan’s education sector under the Taliban Since the Taliban’s return last August, the group has demonstrated determination to regulate, shape, and control access to education in Afghanistan. 15 Aug 2022 Afghan Witness has been monitoring the education system under the Taliban since their return to power last August – keeping track of changes, verifying events using open source (OSINT) methods where possible, and speaking to sources in-country to find out the reality on the ground. Below is an overview of our research… Closure of girls’ secondary schools and Taliban U-turn So far, the most defining event of the Taliban’s return to power has been their move to close secondary schools for girls , which has drawn global condemnation. After months of promises, on March 21, the hopes of teenage girls were briefly raised when the Taliban leadership announced that high schools would reopen for all students on March 23. On the morning of March 23, as girls in various locations around the country prepared to attend their first classes in months, the Ministry of Education backtracked on their decision , announcing that all girls’ secondary schools – beyond grade 6 – would remain closed indefinitely until a policy was formulated in accordance with “ Sharia and Afghan ” culture. The U-turn on girls’ schools made global headlines, with images of girls in tears circulated on social media. One tenth grade student Afghan Witness (AW) recently spoke to described it as “the most bitter experience of my life”. A video published by Aamaj News on March 23 showed girls arriving and gathering outside Zulaikha Female High School in Kabul whilst Taliban men stood at the door, preventing them from entering. Screenshots from the footage, which has been verified and geolocated, can be seen below: Geolocation of the video showing Taliban men preventing female students from entering the Zulaikha Female High School in Kabul on March 23 [34.577447, 69.129988] Over the following days, many protests erupted around the country and abroad, and, in response to the restrictions, alternative methods of learning and teaching have also been established. Some girls have turned to online schooling, however, an online teacher we recently spoke to raised the issue of a lack of internet access for girls in remote areas. Some private centres have reportedly continued operating, while there have also been reports of ‘ secret schools ’ set-up behind closed doors. Organisations such as Pen Path claim to have arranged secret and online schools for 5,300 girls in Afghanistan, while the Yalda Hakim Foundation , which also provides education opportunities for Afghan girls, has been counting each day the schools are closed in a bid to raise awareness of the situation. At the end of May, it was reported on social media that some girls’ schools had started to reopen enforcing the hijab decree. On May 23, images circulated on Twitter showing girls on their way to school in Balkh, fully covered. The images, seen below, have been verified and geolocated : Geolocation of the girls’ high school in Balkh, where girls attended fully covered on May 23 [36.705297, 67.107380] Despite the reopening of some girls’ high schools, the majority remain closed, and there has been no indication of when they will reopen. In mid-July, a fake Ministry of Education press release made international headlines after claiming that girls’ schools would reopen imminently, but was later denounced as false by several Taliban-linked Twitter accounts. Some Taliban officials have hinted at the negative effects of the closure of girls’ schools in the long-run, and experts and rights groups suggest a likelihood of “ deep divisions ” on the issue. At the beginning of August, Maulawi Ahmed Taqi , a spokesperson for the Taliban’s Ministry of Higher Education, pointed out that restrictions on girls’ high schools will become a de facto ban on university degrees for women if it stays in place. “Automatically if we do not have high school graduates, we won’t have new female university students anymore,” Taqi said, adding that he is “hopeful” the Ministry of Education will reopen the schools soon. Some religious scholars have argued for the re-opening of girls’ schools. The Assembly of Religious Scholars in Afghanistan issued a statement in mid-April this year calling for the restrictions on girls’ secondary education to be lifted. Influential Afghan cleric Sheikh Rahimullah Haqqani – who was reportedly killed by an ISKP-claimed attack on August 11 – also shared decrees from earlier scholars and accounts from the life of the Prophet Muhammad, and previously told the BBC that there is “no justification in the sharia [law] to say female education is not allowed.” Women allowed to study, but under gender segregation rules Unlike during the Taliban rule of the 1990s, women are able to attend university this time around, however, in February, when Afghanistan’s main universities opened their doors again, they did so with gender segregation rules in place, which naturally saw fewer women return to their studies. In April, the Taliban’s Ministry of Higher Education took the rules one step further again, announcing that male and female students could only attend university on separate days. Several professors criticised the decision, citing a lack of staff to manage the increased teaching hours, as each lesson would need to be delivered twice, once for male students and another time for female students. Professors stressed that they were already under strain due to a shortage of staff since many left the country following the takeover. The restrictions imposed upon women more broadly have also posed further obstacles to female students and higher education staff. In December, a decree issued by the Taliban's Ministry of Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, announced that women travelling for more than 45 miles (72km) should be accompanied by a close male family member. In February, female students told Rukhshana media that they are not allowed to travel without a Muharram (male guardian) and cannot attend university in other provinces as a result of the restriction. In May, a Taliban decree ordered women to cover their bodies and faces in public – a move that was seen as a return to the group’s signature policy of the 1990s. The extent to which these regulations have been enforced is not clear, but following the announcement of the hijab decree, several news outlets reported incidents where female university students were allegedly beaten or denied entry for wearing colourful clothes or the " wrong " type of covering. On May 18, it was reported that female students were denied entrance to the Kabul Education University, also known as Shahid Rabbani Education University, for wearing colourful headscarves. Footage of the incident was shared online, which AW was able to verify and geolocate: Geolocation of the Taliban denying access to female students attending the Kabul Education University in Kabul [34.531331, 69.112972] University students in multiple provinces who AW spoke to in March raised similar issues. One student in Balkh University says she and classmates heard a girl “screaming loudly” while being “punished for not complying with the authorities' rules on hijab.” Another student in Kabul says Taliban authorities often warned students through their department and faculty officials that if they did not observe “full hijab”, they would close the universities to female students again, while a student from Samangan University told us students were instructed by Taliban authorities to wear long black robes, completely cover their faces – including eyes – and not wear high heels and colourful clothing. Staff face restrictions, reports of Taliban controlling hiring process While experts say Afghanistan is already facing a brain drain , the staff shortage has been exacerbated by the segregation of male and female students and staff, as classes must now be taught twice. Although there is an obvious need for new staff members, the Taliban appear to be taking measures to ensure the values of staff align with their own. According to reports, the Taliban have made it compulsory for private universities to request permission before hiring new professors and have urged higher education institutes to “seriously examine the professors’ past” and prevent the promotion of the current members of staff who don’t fit their ideals. AW was also told by sources, including a member of staff and a student at Balkh University, that the Taliban has formed a special committee entitled ‘Call and Guidance’ at Balkh, Samangan, Parwan, Jawzjan, and Sar-e-Pul universities, headed by Taliban mullahs. The member of staff contacted by AW claims that the director of this new committee emphasised the importance of the implementation of Islamic and religious guidance to ensure compliance with Islamic principles in both public and private higher education institutions. On May 26, Alisher Shahir, a journalist covering Afghanistan, corroborated the claims gathered by AW sources regarding the formation of new committees in universities. The Taliban have also reportedly dismissed dozens of university professors, mainly targeting ethnic minorities . A report in April claimed that Abdullah Safi, the Taliban representative at Balkh University, terminated the employment of 50 professors at the university based on their ethnicity. A list containing the names of all the dismissed faculty members was also shared by a journalist on Twitter, and an AW source – a civil activist in Balkh – confirmed the news. Printscreen of tweet by journalist, containing images of the names of professors reportedly dismissed by Taliban. In extreme circumstances, violence against staff has also been reported. There have been several reports of professors and teachers being detained by the Taliban, including the high profile case of Ustad Faizullah Jalal , a professor at Kabul University, who was arrested in January after allegedly publicly criticising the Taliban on Twitter and television. There have been numerous other reports of professors and teachers being arrested for their alleged criticisms of the Taliban, or in some cases, alleged affiliations with the National Resistant Front. While these cases relate to male staff, female lecturers have faced similar restrictions to their students, and have reportedly been prevented from participating in scientific conferences with their male counterparts. Despite the Taliban’s rules on gender segregation in universities, in some cases, male lecturers still teach female students due to the shortage of female academic staff – a result of many professors leaving the country. According to a BBC report in February, since the takeover, 229 lecturers from the three major universities of Balkh, Herat and Kabul left the country – with 112 resigning from Kabul university alone. Islamic modules increased, reduction of core subjects Several examples of content restriction have been recorded since the Taliban’s return to power. There have been various reports of university departments being removed , accompanied by a reduction of core subjects whilst the number of credits for Islamic content has reportedly increased – something verified by AW sources, including professors in public and private universities in Balkh. Some university students have also reported mandatory religious lessons outside of the curriculum. There have also been reports that the Taliban have damaged and removed previous student work, and in March, it was reported that the Taliban had covered – and later removed – a statue commonly referred to as the “Mother’s Statue” in front of the Faculty of Fine Arts at Kabul University. The progression of censorship of the Mother’s Statue in Kabul University [34.513440, 69.131730] Nationwide push to open madrasas While girls’ high schools remain closed, there has been an apparent push by the Taliban to open madrasas across Afghanistan. On April 24, Noorullah Mounir, the head of the Taliban's Ministry of Education, attended a rally in Logar province where he announced plans to establish up to ten new religious schools in all districts of the country. In recent months, several reports have emerged of the Taliban opening new religious schools across Afghanistan, which are focused on the Taliban's understanding of Islamic teachings. AW has verified several reports of buildings being repurposed as religious schools, including the Adbl Hai Habibi High School , Khost, and a former Mitra TV broadcast building in Mazar-i-Sharif, Balkh Province. Before (top) and after (bottom) the name change of the Abdul Hai Habibi High School into a madrasa [33.338512, 69.917157] Geolocation of the TV building converted into a religious school in Mazar-i-Sharif, Balkh province [36.66776, 67.13138] There have also been claims of schools being used as Taliban bases, which AW has found some evidence for. Below, two frames of a video posted on Twitter on October 11, 2021 can be seen, showing several Taliban men at the Bibi Amina Girls’ High School. The image below is the geolocation of the school, in the village of Bazarak, Panjshir province. Geolocation of the Bibi Amina Girls’ High School, taken over by the Taliban in October 2021 [35.314666, 69.513043] Removal of Farsi from Balkh University sign Other examples of the Taliban’s management of educational institutes include reports of the Taliban removing the Farsi words from the Balkh University sign, in what has been described as part of an “anti-Farsi sentiment”. In a news article by Paik Aftab , one unnamed student pointed out that even though the Taliban claim to have an issue with all foreign languages and are not targeting those who speak Farsi specifically, they did not erase the English from the sign – only the Farsi. Before (left) and after (right) the sign changes at Balkh University. On March 13, an additional sign change was reported at Balkh University. On this occasion, the Taliban replaced the sign for the Faculty of Medicine with a different one displaying English and Pashto only. Image showing the replaced sign at the Faculty of Medicine, Balkh University. At the top the old sign with English, Farsi and Pashto, at the bottom the new sign with just English and Pashto. Looking to the future Experts are not optimistic about the future of Afghanistan’s education sector based on the current state-of-affairs. Afghanistan is already facing a “brain drain”, and with girls’ secondary schools currently closed, there is concern over the impact this will have on women’s ability to progress to further education. While the situation remains, it is certain that those who are able to will attempt to leave the country, further contributing to the on-going shortage of professionals. Others point out that the ideological education under the Taliban’s rule will not only increase the group’s ability to remain in power for a long time, but will also reverse the progress Afghanistan’s education sector made between the end of the Taliban’s previous rule, and their takeover in 2021. Regardless, activists and civil society organisations continue to advocate for educational rights in Afghanistan and show no sign of stopping – even in the face of restrictions. Share

​ ​ 16 Feb 2023

مروارید یک تاجر جوان در مواجهه با محدودیت ها و ناامنی اقتصادی تلاش میکند تا کسب و کار خود را سرپا نگه دارد کار ما ناگهان متوقف شد در حالی که این برقع/چادری آبی است که اغلب با افغانستان مرتبط میشود مروارید کی نام اصلی او نیست همیشه لباس های سنتی با رنگ های روشن فرهنگ های متعدد افغانستان را ترجیح میدهد. مروارید و چند تن از دوستان پس از فارغ التحصیلی در رشته علوم سیاسی از دانشگاه مزارشریف بلخ به کابل نقل مکان کرد تصمیم گرفتند تا یک تجارت کوچک برای ترویج لباس های سنتی افغانستان راه اندازی کنند. گروه دوستان برای عکسبرداری به مکان های تاریخی در مزارشریف هرات بامیان و سایر ولایات سفر کردند. مروارید می گوید: هدف ترویج فرهنگ افغانستان از طریق پیوند دادن میراث تاریخی با لباس های ما بود. با این حال در ماه اگست سال گذشته پس از تصرف کابل توسط طالبان مروارید مانند بسیاری از صاحبان مشاغل کوچک دیگر خود را با عدم اطمینان مواجه کرد. این تاجر جوان به یاد می آورد: ما قصد داشتیم یک سری جدید عکسبرداری با مدل ها در برخی ولایاتهای دیگر انجام دهیم اما کار ما ناگهان متوقف شد. پس از بازگشت طالبان بسیاری از مردم مانند شریک تجاری مروارید کشور را ترک کردند. او می‌گوید: من نیز منتظر تخلیه‌ام بودم اما از آن زمان تا کنون نشنیده‌ام چه زمانی از افغانستان تخلیه خواهم شد. مروارید می افزاید. که از زمان تصاحب قدرت با سلامت روانی خود دست و پنجه نرم کرده است چیزی که توسط سایر زنان و دختران افغان که از کار و تحصیل محدود شده اند تکرار شده است و روندی که حتی قبل از بازگشت طالبان نیز وجود داشت. من روال خوابم را از دست دادم و در تلاش بودم تا شاهد بحران انسانی باشم که در مقابل چشمانم آشکار شد و بسیاری از زنان شغل خود را از دست دادند. با محدودیت مواجه است در افغانستان سطح اشتغال زنان در سه ماهه سوم سال ۲۰۲۱ حدود ۱۶ درصد کاهش یافته است. طالبان صراحتاً زنان را از کار منع نکرده اند اما گروه های حقوق بشر می گویند که محدودیت های آنها در زمینه های دیگر مانند سفر زنان و قوانین تفکیک جنسیتی اثرات ضربه ای وجود داشته است اثرات ضربه ای مروارید میگوید که پس از توقف کسب وکارش درخواست کار برای سازمان‌های غیردولتی که هنوز در افغانستان فعالیت می‌کنند آغاز کرده است که لازم است بارها بین مزارشریف و کابل سفر کند. با این حال او می گوید که در حال حاضر در افغانستان یافتن شغل بستگی به این دارد که چه کسی را می شناسید. مروارید تسلیم نشد و تصمیم گرفت به تجارت خود ادامه دهد و سعی کرد خود را با شرایط فعلی وفق دهد. او مقداری از پس انداز خود را برای خرید جواهرات سرمایه گذاری کرد و محصولات خود را به صورت آنلاین تبلیغ کرد اما او می گوید حتی این کار نیز دشوار بوده است. او می افزاید: ممکن است آسان به نظر برسد اما اینطور نیست. ما زنان با محدودیت‌ها و مشکلات زیادی روبرو هستیم نمیتوانیم آنطور که می‌خواهیم آزادانه حرکت کنیم. طالبان محدودیت هایی را بر آزادی پوشش و مسافرت زنان اعمال کرده اند. تصویر: افغان وتنس در ماه دسمبر دستورالعملی که توسط وزارت دعوت و ارشاد امر بالمعروف و نهی المنکر طالبان صادر شد گفت: زنانی که بیش از ۴۵ مایل (۷۲ کیلومتر) سفر میکنند باید با یک مرد نزدیک خانواده همراه شوند. چنین محدودیت‌هایی کار را برای مروارید دشوار کرده است تا بتواند به طور مؤثر تجارت خود را اداره کند زیرا او نمی‌تواند از مدل‌هایی که جواهرات و لباس‌هایش را پوشیده‌اند عکس بگیرد. او میگوید: در حال حاضر تمام دنیای من اتاق خصوصی من است که در آن می خوابم از جواهراتم عکس می گیرم و وظایف کسب و کار کوچکم را انجام می دهم. از دو ماه پیش سعی کردم آن را احیا کنم. به گفته مروارید محدودیت ها بسته به استان و منطقه متفاوت است. او می گوید که برخی از مناطق در کابل بازتر هستند او توضیح می دهد که دختران روسری ساده بدون برقع می پوشند اما می افزاید که محدودیت های شدیدی برای زنان در سایر ولایات در مورد لباس و رفت و آمدشان اعمال شده است. در سپتامبر گذشته زنان در افغانستان یک کمپین آنلاین با استفاده از هشتگ‌هایی مانند DoNotTouchMyClothes# #لبا من را لمس نکنید و AfghanistanCulture# . #فرهنگ افغانستان. در کنار تصاویری از پیچیده‌ترین و رنگارنگ‌ترین لباسهای سنتی خود راه‌اندازی کردند تلاشی برای به چالش کشیدن روایت طالبان در مورد آنچه زنان مسلمان در افغانستان باید بپوشند. مروارید میگوید که پس از اعلام طالبان مبنی بر اینکه زنان باید در ماه می باید صورت خود را در ملاء عام بپوشانند توسط یک راننده تاکسی از او پرسیده شد که چرا صورت خود را نمی پوشانید یا لباس سیاه نمی پوشید. گفتم: این کار من است بهتر است به کار خودت فکر کنی. نگرش های زن ستیزانه مروارید به افغان وتنس میگوید: که به عنوان یک زن او فقط از طالبان نمی ترسد بلکه برخی از مردان نیز ذهنیت یکسانی نسبت به زنان دارند. او می افزاید: شما می بینید که آنها از بیکاری و اینکه چگونه از نظر اقتصادی با مشکلاتی دست و پنجه نرم می کنند شکایت می کنند اما هیچ یک از آنها علیه بسته شدن مدارس دخترانه صحبت نمی کنند یا اینکه زنان شان به دلیل تسلط طالبان شغل خود را از دست داده اند. ناامید کننده است که مردان افغان در کنار زنان خود نمی ایستند. عفو بین‌الملل اخیراً گزارشی را در مورد وضعیت زنان و دختران در افغانستان منتشر کرده است که در آن نتیجه‌گیری می‌کند که گستره بزرگی و شدت تخلفات ماه به ماه در حال افزایش است. در حالی که مبارزان مرد زیادی چه در داخل افغانستان و چه در سطح بین‌المللی وجود دارند که از حقوق زنان افغان دفاع می‌کنند مروارید نگران گسترش زن‌ستیزی از زمان تصرف این کشور است. او می‌گوید: راستش من در حال حاضر از مردان افغان بیشتر از طالبان می‌ترسم. نگاهی که آنها به شما خیره می شوند به گونه ای است که گویی جنایتی نابخشودنی مرتکب شده اید. وقتی موروارید به آینده نگاه می کند مطمئن نیست که چگونه به نظر می رسد. مانند بسیاری از افراد جوان و تحصیل کرده که نمی توانند ترک کنند به ویژه آنهایی که زن هستند اگر وضعیت به همین منوال ادامه یابد تلاش می کند تا فرصت هایی را برای خود ببیند. او می‌گوید: هنوز امیدوارم که اگر طالبان روزی بگویند زنان می‌توانند بدون محدودیت کار کنند من در افغانستان می‌مانم. در غیر این صورت کشور من افغانستان به ویژه برای زنان و دختران قابل زندگی نیست. منبع: مصاحبه افغان وتنس Interview by Afghan Witness Source:

سربازان کودک طالبان اما تحلیل ها فقط برای اهداف تبلیغاتی نشان می دهد افغان وتنس در حال تجزیه و تحلیل پست هایی در شبکه های اجتماعی است که ادعا می کند طالبان از کودک سرباز استفاده می کنند این چیزی است که ما یافتیم 27 May 2022 در هفته ‌های اخیر تعدادی پست از حساب ‌های شبکه‌های اجتماعی با نفوذ و معتبر افغانستان منتشر شده است که ادعا میکند طالبان شروع به استفاده از سربازان کودک کرده است. در ۱۳ مه دو حساب کاربری با نفوذ و تایید شده ولی آرین روزنامه‌ نگار رادیو و صدای آمریکا دری و بلال سروری خبرنگار سابق بی‌بی‌سی هر دو تصویری از گروهی از کودکان را منتشر کردند که لباس نظامی پوشیده بودند و حمل سلاح در پشت یک خودروی طالبان در کنار پیشنهاد هایی مبنی بر استفاده طالبان از کودک سرباز. توییت ها اقبال قابل توجهی به دست آوردند پست سروری ۸۶ بار بازتوییت یا نقل قول شد و ۲۵۹ لایک به دست آورد در حالی که پست آریان ۴۲ بار بازتوییت یا نقل قول شد و ۳۷۷ لایک به دست آورد. شکل: پست های دو حساب کاربری تأثیر گذار ولی آرین و بلال سروری با اشتراک گذاری تصویر کودک سرباز. قابل توجه بود که نه پست ها و نه سایر کاربرانی که تصویر را بازنشر کردند هیچ زمینه یا مکانی را ارائه نکردند که باعث شد افغان وتنس مشکوک شود که این تصاویر جدید نیستند در حالی که سرنخ‌ های محدودی در تصاویر وجود دارد تا امکان تعیین موقعیت جغرافیایی فراهم شود افغان وتنس توانست تصاویر دیگری از همان گروه از پسران پیدا کند ظاهراً از یک رژه در ولایت بغلان در ۱۹ فبروری زمانی که سایر کار بران رسانه ‌های اجتماعی نیز در مورد استفاده طالبان اظهار نظر کرده بودند کودکان سرباز این تصاویر را می توان در پلخمری در ولایت بغلان قرار داد. شکل: تصاویر اضافی از گروه پسران بالا را می توان در پلخمری بغلان قرار داد تصویر زیر دوربرگردان و دکل را برای مقایسه نشان میدهد در روزهای بعد حساب ‌های متعدد دیگری این تصاویر را به اشتراک گذاشتند که موجی از مطالب را از سوی مبارزان ضد طالبان و رسانه‌های افغانستان به راه انداخت که ادعا می‌کردند طالبان از کودکان سرباز استفاده می‌کنند. ویدئویی که در اکانت فارسی آماج نیوز به تاریخ ۱۴ مه منتشر شد همراه با متن فیلم ایست بازرسی طالبان در کابل یک پسر جوان را نشان می دهد که ظاهراً در یک پوسته طالبان شرکت می کند به نظر می رسد اماج به دنبال کردن برنامه رو به رشد سربازان کودک طالبان بوده است اما این ویدئو را می توان در سپتامبر ۲۰۲۱ به همراه پستی که ادعا می کند فیلم مربوط به ۲۵ سپتامبر در کابل است یافت می شود در حالی که این ویدئو در واقع پسری را در یک ایست بازرسی نشان می دهد از آنچه که دیده می شود به نظر می رسد بیشتر برای مقاصد سرگرمی باشد تا نشانه ای واقعی از استفاده طالبان از کودکان سرباز. شکل: پست آماج نیوز در ۱۴ مه سمت چپ با استفاده از ویدیویی که در سپتامبر ۲۰۲۱ یافت شد راست. یکی از تصاویری که به طور گسترده در ۱۵ مه منتشر شد سراج الدین حقانی سرپرست وزارت کشور را با پسر جوانی که لباس جنگجویان بدری ۳۱۳ بر تن داشت نشان می داد حساب ‌هایی که این تصویر را منتشر کرده‌اند شامل بررسی حقایق افغانستان است پلتفرمی که خود را به عنوان یک سرویس بررسی حقایق معرفی میکند اما اغلب اطلاعات نادرست آشکار ضد طالبان را به اشتراک میگذارد. پست آنها که از حقانی به عنوان وزیر کشور و رئیس خودکشی یاد می کرد ۲۶ بازتوییت ۱۶ توئیت نقل قول و ۵۰ لایک دریافت کرد حساب‌ های طرفدار طالبان نیز این تصویر را منتشر کرده‌اند و ظاهراً هیچ مشکلی با تصویر یک کودک در لباس نظامی دیده نمیشود. شکل: نمونه هایی از پست های اشتراک گذاری تصویر سراج حقانی با پسر جوانی که لباس سرباز بدری ۳۱۳ را پوشیده است. پسری که در کنار حقانی ظاهر می شود چندین بار با لباس سرباز بدری ۳۱۳ در ارتباطات طالبان ظاهر شده است تعدادی از تصاویر و ویدئوها در نوامبر و اوایل دیسمبر ۲۰۲۱ منتشر شد که اغلب در حساب محبوب طرفدار طالبان اعتبار دارند این مطالب توسط محمد نعیم سخنگوی دفتر سیاسی طالبان بازنشر شد و در حساب‌ های شبه رسمی ارتش بدری ۳۱۳ که در آن ویدئویی حاوی کلاژی از تصاویر موزیک‌شده نیز منتشر شد منتشر شد. شکل: پست هایی از حساب ‌های طالبان در ماه نومبر و اوایل دیسمبر که این پسر را در کنار حقانی نشان می‌دهند. طالبان و حساب بدری ۳۱۳ که در بالا ذکر شد از استفاده از کودکانی که لباس نظامی پوشیده اند در ارتباطات خود خجالتی نبوده اند از اولین پست خود در اوایل سپتامبر ۲۰۲۱ حساب بدری۳۱۳ اغلب تصاویری از کودکان خردسال در لباس نظامی را نشان می دهد. به نظر می‌ رسد پستی در ماه مارس حاکی از آن است که کودکان در حال تمرین هستند یکی از عکسها یک کودک را در صف رژه نشان می‌دهد و دومی دو نفر را در حال گشت ‌زنی در کوهستان در کنار این متن نشان می‌دهند فرزندان خود را به روحیه اسلامی و ملی مجهز کنید تا نسل آینده آزاد و مستقل باشید. شکل: نمونه‌ هایی از پست‌ های حساب بدری۳۱۳ که چندین کودک را در لباس نظامی نشان میدهد. تجزیه و تحلیل مطالبی که در رسانه‌ های اجتماعی پست شده است نشان می‌دهد که طالبان در ارتباطات خود کودکان را به ‌عنوان سرباز به تصویر می ‌کشند که معمولاً در زمینه نسل آینده یا ترویج مفهوم مبارزه چند نسلی برای یک دولت اسلامی است این موضوعی است که در ارتباطات سایر گروه‌های اسلام ‌گرای شبه ‌نظامی مانند حماس، حزب‌الله، و هیئت تحریر الشام و غیره دیده میشود. با این حال، با توجه به ادعای خاص استفاده طالبان از کودک سرباز همانطور که در هفته های اخیر در رسانه های اجتماعی مطرح شده است در حال حاضر هیچ مدرکی وجود ندارد که نشان دهد کودکان سرباز طالبان برای چیزی بیش از کمپین های رسانه ای خود هستند بدون هیچ مطلبی که نشان دهد استقرار عملیاتی کودکان سرباز. گزارش شده توسط: افغان وتنس.

​ ​ 30 Jan 2024

Options are limited for Afghan female students hoping to study Afghan women and girls are seeking education opportunities outside of Afghanistan – but for many, numerous obstacles stand in their way. 24 Aug 2023 Image: Afghan Witness, 2022 *Afghan Witness changed the names of the individuals interviewed. The Taliban’s restrictions on female education have seen universities around the world announce scholarship opportunities for Afghan women and girls, enabling hundreds to relocate to neighbouring or nearby countries , as well as campuses further afield . Afghan Witness’s (AW) conversations with female Afghan students this year reveal that gaining these opportunities – or even leaving the country in the first place – is not so simple, however. They face both economic and language barriers, as well as the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s freedom of movement and travel. Barred from language classes Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, girls’ secondary schools have remained closed in most parts of the country. Female students continued to attend gender-segregated university classes until December 2022, when the Taliban announced that women would no longer be able to attend university. Before the university ban, some girls had continued to pursue education by taking language classes at universities and education centres, but when universities were closed in late December, AW heard from several students that they were barred from these classes, too. Desperate to apply for scholarships outside the country, a student we’re calling Azadah* had been focusing on improving her English and Arabic since the Taliban’s return. “When we heard about the ban on female education – we did not believe it and still went to our language course at the university,” says Azadah, adding that male students were allowed to take their exams that day, while females had to leave. “This was very heart-breaking – seeing girls coming out of the university with their eyes full of tears." Figure: A timeline showing some of the nationwide restrictions on female education in Afghanistan since the Taliban’s takeover. Source: Taliban announcements and reports by media. Before the Taliban’s return, Azadah says she had been preparing to take the exam called Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) as she wanted to apply to The American University of Afghanistan. “I was preparing for the university’s entrance exam or Kankor – I studied for two years to prepare for it – I wanted to get a high score and get into my favourite field.” Sofia* told AW she too had been hoping to gain a qualification in English as a foreign language so she would be eligible to apply for Master's scholarships abroad. However, the day after the university ban, she says the Taliban turned her away from the educational institute where her classes were held, stating that women were no longer allowed to study English. Mahnaz*, another student, had attended an English class at a private academic institution where students could train as teachers, but this closed along with universities in December. “My favourite subject was English – because it would get me closer to my goals,” Mahnaz says, adding that she dreamed of becoming a famous football player. “Now, that isn’t possible.” Masooma* managed to leave Afghanistan, and is now studying at a university in Germany. She says that learning a foreign language is “essential” for those hoping to secure a scholarship abroad. “The entire admission process in universities outside Afghanistan is conducted either in English or the country's native language," Masooma adds. She has experienced first-hand how crucial language skills are – prospective scholarship candidates need to navigate the admissions process, engage with the universities and professors, and adapt to a new academic environment, and this is on top of having to comprehend lectures and write academic articles to a high standard in a foreign language. Meanwhile, many women and girls face economic barriers to leaving Afghanistan, a country where it is estimated that 90% of the population is living below the poverty line. One student, Frozan *, told us that her family want to send her abroad to continue her education, but can’t afford it. “Even if they could, the ability to speak English is a barrier for many in Afghanistan,” she adds. Restrictions on travel The Taliban have issued restrictions on women’s freedom of movement, requiring them to be accompanied by a male guardian on long-distance travel. For some Afghan women and girls, the challenge lies not only in acquiring a scholarship but in leaving the country in the first place. Mahnaz says that she and her family had an opportunity to leave Afghanistan as her sister had an asylum case abroad. “We had our passports ready and wanted to leave the country,” she explains. But Mahnaz says that the family were denied Pakistani visas, which they needed in order to submit their applications to the necessary embassy in Pakistan. She adds that her sister was unable to travel alone because she was required by the Taliban to be accompanied by a male chaperone – known in Afghanistan as a mahram. “We don't plan to leave the country as it is very difficult,” Mahnaz says. In December 2021, a directive issued by the Taliban's Ministry of Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice said women travelling for more than 45 miles (72km) by road should be accompanied by a mahram. In March 2022, the restriction appeared to be extended to air travel too, with sources telling Reuters that airlines in Afghanistan were instructed to prevent women from boarding domestic or international flights without a mahram. Since then, there have been several reports of women being prohibited from boarding flights to continue their education abroad. In August 2022, Middle East Eye reported that the Taliban had prevented “scores” of female university students from boarding a flight to Qatar without male guardians. On August 23, 2023, female students were reportedly prevented from travelling to Dubai, where they had been awarded scholarship places as part of a collaboration between Khalaf Ahmad Al Habtoor and the University of Dubai. In a video and written statement shared on X (formerly Twitter), Habtoor stated the news had left him “ lost for words”, while Amnesty International also reposted the statement and condemned the incident. In a voice recording shared by Habtoor online, one of the students claimed that even women accompanied by a mahram were prohibited from travelling. This was also reported by BBC Persian Journalist, Ali Hussaini, who said that there were 70 female students prevented from travelling from Kabul airport to Dubai that day, including 12 girls who were accompanied by a mahram. Alternative ways of learning With secondary schools and universities closed to female students, some educational institutes are offering online courses and scholarships for Afghan girls and women. As well as this, individuals are also pooling their resources to set up alternative ways of learning. One woman, who we’re calling Azita*, decided to set up online classes for female students and saw more than 250 girls register an interest, in addition to over 30 offers of help from volunteers. Learning in online spaces comes with its own set of challenges, however. Azita says she soon had to stop the classes because some students couldn’t afford access to the internet. While the classes have since resumed and she is now teaching the girls English, she says internet access and connectivity continue to pose a “major issue”. The online teacher says that even families who have access to the internet have to deal with limited devices, which is difficult when several daughters are trying to access online classes at the same time. Challenges obtaining documents Many of Azita’s students aspire to continue their studies or gain employment abroad, but she says they face numerous barriers. Not only are getting these opportunities difficult in the first place, but according to Azita, the Taliban have in some cases barred women from accessing their certificates and transcripts which they require for their applications. “They are not letting them even get any recommendation letters from their professors – so it’s really hard for these girls to meet these requirements and leave the country.” According to a report by Afghan news outlet Nimrokh Media , many female graduates have been unable to access their academic records or diplomas. At private universities, students are allegedly required to pay 10,000 Afghanis (around $115) for these documents, but the process can take several months, with students claiming they are given limited information or updates. Women have also reportedly faced obstacles applying for their passports. Women’s rights activists have pointed out that restrictions on female education are damaging Afghanistan’s education sector, with women left with no choice but to seek opportunities abroad. Azita agrees: “If there is a way for them to get a better life and better education – somewhere else other than Afghanistan – of course they would leave.” *Afghan Witness changed the names of the individuals interviewed. Share

کابل مجسمه مادر پوشانده شد و سپس برداشته شد مجسمه قبل از برداشتن کامل با پارچه سیاه سانسور شده بود 21 Mar 2022 در ١٨ مارچ ٢٠٢٢، پست‌ های رسانه ‌های اجتماعی و اعماج نیوز عکسی از مجسمه ‌ای که معمولاً به عنوان مجسمه مادر در کابل شناخته می ‌شود منتشر کردند. بر اساس توئیت اعماج نیوز این مجسمه توسط طالبان برای سانسور آن با پارچه سیاه پوشانده شده بود. مجسمه مادر در جلوی پوهنتون هنرهای زیبای دانشگاه کابل قرار دارد و به عنوان بخشی از یک پروژه مشترک توسط دانشجویان دختر ساخته شده است. ساخت این مجسمه که در سال ٢٠١٢ آغاز شد و در سال ٢٠١٣ به پایان رسید، ابتدا با مخالفت دانشگاه شریعت مواجه شد، اما پس از بحث های فراوان به شرط نداشتن سر مجسمه کار مورد تایید قرار گرفت. دانش‌آموزان در آن زمان کوزه‌ای از آب را که نمادی از منبع آفرینش و آغاز زندگی بود، موظف کردند و سر آن را جایگزین کردند. در ٢٠ مارچ گزارش شد که این مجسمه توسط طالبان به طور کامل برداشته شده است، اگرچه مشخص نیست که آیا این مجسمه به جای دیگری منتقل شده یا تخریب شده است. پست‌های رسانه‌های اجتماعی پیشرفت سانسور مجسمه را نشان می‌داد، از مجسمه اصلی که دارای کوزه آب بود، تا سرپوشیده و اکنون یک پایه خالی که مجسمه زمانی در آن قرار داشت. شکل: پیشرفت سانسور مجسمه مادر، دانشگاه کابل این اقدام نشانه دیگری است که نشان می‌دهد بخش معارف افغانستان – در حالی که تا حدودی اجازه باز شدن دارد – باید در محدوده‌های تعیین‌شده توسط طالبان فعالیت کند.

د راپورونو له مخې، په خوست ولایت کې یوه چاودنه د پاکستاني طالبانو غړي په نښه کړ دغه پېښه د پولې په دواړو غاړو کې یو لړ غبرګونونه او ادعاګانې راوپارول - او د پاکستان او افغان طالبانو ترمنځ د سیاسي کړکېچ د زیاتېدو وروسته رامنځته شوه. د ۲۰۲۳ کال د اګست په ۱۴مه رسنیو خبر ورکړ چې د افغانستان په ختیځ د خوست ښار په مرکز کې د سپین جومات په سیمه کې د قاري ځدراڼ په هوټل کې چاودنه شوې ده. د کابل د پولیسو ویاند خالد ځدراڼ له قوله، دا پېښه په سیمه ییز وخت شاوخوا ۱۱ بجې رامنځته شوه چې په ترڅ کې یې "یو شمېر وزیرستاني کډوال" او "د خوست ولایت اوسېدونکي" ووژل شول. ځدراڼ پر خپل ټوییټر پاڼه ولیکل چې د پېښې له ځایه درې شهیدان او اووه ټپیان روغتونونو ته لیږدول شوي دي. ورته معلومات څو شیبې وروسته د خوست ولایت د امنیه قوماندانۍ ویاند مستغفر ګربز له خوا هم شریک شول . د چاودنې د راپورونو د خپریدو سو شیبې وروسته، د ټولنیزو رسنیو بیلابیلو اکاونټونو او خبري رسنیو ادعا وکړه چې چاودنه د بې پیلوټه الوتکې د برید له امله رامنځته شوې ده. د Aaj TV Urdu په نوم یوه پاکستانې رسنۍ ادعا وکړه چې د دې بې پیلوټه الوتکې د برید موخه د حافظ ګل بهادر ۱ (HGB) سره تړلي کسان وو. د يادونې وړ ده چې تر دې چاودنې وړاندې په خوست ولايت کې د بې پيلوټه الوتکو د فعاليت په اړه هیڅ ادعا او شواهد شتون نه درلود. خراسان ډایري، هغه پروژه چې په اسلام اباد کې د خبریالانو د یوې ډلې لخوا اداره کیږی، پر خپل ایکس ټویټر پاڼه (پخواني ټویټر) کې اعلان وکړ چې "د افغانستان په خوست ولایت کې یو مشکوک هوايي برید یو هوټل په نښه کړی دی چې د پاکستانی طالبانو د تحریک قومندان حافظ ګل بهادر سره تړلي جنګیالي ورته تګ راتګ کاوه". هغوی ادعا وکړه چې په دې اړه يې د پاکستاني طالبانو تحریک له يوه جګپوړي قوماندان سره خبرې کړې دي او دغه قوماندان تاييد کړه چې د خوست ولايت په يوه هوټل کې چاودنه شوې چې له امله يې د هوتل چت پر خلکو راپرېووت. افغانستان انټرنشنل ټلویزیون په یوه راپور کې ورته ادعاوې شریکه کړه او د پاکستاني سرچینو په حواله چې نومونه یې اخیستل شوی نه وو، راپور ورکړ چې "په دغه برید کې د پاکستانی طالبانو تحریک سره تړلۍ د حافظ ګل بهادر د ډلې څلور مهم قوماندانان ووژل شول". د افغانستان انټرنشنل خبریال شفیق الله دقیق د خلکو د یوې ډلې عکس شریک کړ چې د راپور شوي چاودنې ځای ته ګوري. د دغه خبر په متن کې ويل شوي و: "د خوست ولايت په مرکز کې پر پاکستاني تروريستانو په هوايي بريد کې څو تنه پاکستاني تروريستان ووژل شول". په خوست ولایت کې د حافظ ګل بهادر په ډلې پورې تړلی کسانو باندې د هوايي برید په اړه د ادعاګانو سره سره، طالبانو په دې سیمه کې د دغې ډلې شتون رد کړ. د اینډیپیندنټ (اردو) ورځپاڼې د طالبانو د ویاند ذبیح الله مجاهد له قوله راپور ورکړ چې د دغې پېښې قربانیان "ځایی او بې وزله خلک" دي. د بي بي سي پښتو څانګې د خوست د اطلاعاتو او کلتور رياست د وياند شبير احمد عثماني له خولې راپور ورکړ چې په سيمه کې د هوايي بريد نښې نه دي ليدل شوي. خبريالانو او بېلابېلو رسنیو په خوست ولايت کې د چاودنې د پايلو عکسونه شريک کړل. دا عکسونه یوه په پراخه کچه زیانمن شوې ودانۍ ښيي چې د یوې لویې چاودنې ادعا تاییدوی. پژواک خبري اژانس له چاودنې وروسته اخیستل شوي عکسونه هم خپاره کړل چې ښيي وسله والو طالبانو لارې تړلې او د پېښې د ځای نظم او امنیت ساتي. د افغان ویټنس څیړونکو دغې چاودنې جغرافيايي موقعيت د خوست ښار په مرکز کې تاييد کړ. لاندې عکس د چاودنې ځای (په تور آبی رنګ نښه شوی) او په سیمه کې وسلوال طالبان او موټرونه (په شین رنګ نښه شوي) ښیي. عکس: د چاودنې جغرافیایی موقعیت او له راپور شوی چاودنې وروسته په سیمه کې د وسله والو طالبانو شتون [33.336130, 69.921951]. افغان ویټنس د چاودنې پایلې یې وڅیړلې او هیڅ شواهد یې ونه موندل چې تایید کړی چې دا برید د بی پیلوټه الوتکې په مټ ترسره شوۍ وی. خو ګڼ شمېر کتنې د بې پیلوټه الوتکو په مټ د بریدونو راپورونه ردوي: د ودانۍ دننه د لږو چرو د لګیدو له امله زیان هیڅ کنده یا سورۍ شتون نه درلود چې معمولا د راکټ له لګیدو وروسته رامنځته کیږی. طالبانو هغې خپرې شوي ادعاوې یې رد کړل چې ګواکې په دغه برید کې د حافظ ګل بهادر د ډلې غړي په نښه شوي وو. وروسته له دې چې افغان او پاکستاني رسنیو لخوا داسې ادعاوې خپرې شوې چې ګواکې دغه چاودنه د حافظ ګل بهادر ډلې پر غړو یو هدفي برید و، طالب چارواکو د چاودنې د قربانیانو عکسونه شریک کړل تر څو ثابته کړي چې په پېښه کې وژل شوي کسان ملکی خلک وو. خالد ځدراڼ [خبر داری: ځورونکي عکسونه] د راپور شوي چاودنې د اوو تنو قربانیانو عکسونه خپاره کړ. د اوو تنو قربانیانو په منځ کې څلور ماشومان لیدل کیدل چې دوه یې مخکې مړه شوي وو. همدغه عکسونه [خبرداری: ځورونکي عکسونه] د طالب ضد کاروونکو په شمول، د نورو ټولنیزو رسنیو اکاونټونو لخوا شریک شول. بلال سروري، هغه خبریال چې اوس مهال له افغانستان په بهر کې ژوند کوی، د هغو قربانیانو د نوملړ یو عکس شریک کړ چې له چاودنې وروسته د خوست روغتون ته وړل شوي وو. د ورکړل شوي معلوماتو له مخې، په دې پېښه کې پنځه تنه مړه او اته تنه ټپيان شوي وو چې عمرونه يې د لسو او ٥٠ کلونو ترمنځ وو. د درېيو جسدونو هويت معلوم نه و. سره له دې چې د ځدراڼ لخوا د ویډیویی شواهد چې دا یې ښودل چې په چاودنه کې لږ تر لږه څلور ماشومان ټپیان یا وژل شوي، د خوست ولایت روغتون د قربانیانو په نوملړکې یوازې د یوه ماشوم قرباني په اړه معلومات شتون درلود. دا احتمال شته چې په نوملړ کې پاتې نور کسان د هغو کسانو په ټوګه پیژندل شوي وو چې هویتونه یې نا معلوم وو او یا نورو روغتونونو ته لیږدول شوي وو. ځدراڼ د قربانیانو د عکسونو تر څنګ یوه ویډیو هم شریکه کړه چې ادعا شوې وه د خوست په روغتون کې ثبت شوې ده. دغه ویډیو درې بالغ نارینه قربانیان او یو کس د ویډیو ثبتولو په حال کې ښیی. په دې ویډیو کې د قربانیانو په وینا، چاودنه په یوه کوچني هوټل کې وشوه. دوی ومنله چې د چاودنې پر مهال په هوټل کې له اتو نه تر لسو پورې ملکي خلک موجود وو. د ځدراڼ لخوا شریک شوی پوسټ په انګلیسي ژبه لیکل شوی و او ښایی د انګلیسي ژبو مخاطبینو لپاره و. د دغه پوسټ په متن کې ویل شوی و چې د خوست د چاودنې ټول قربانيان ملکي وګړي دي او خبردارۍ یې ورکړۍ و چې "هېچا ته به اجازه ورنکړل شي چې دلته زموږ په وينو خپل بخت و ازمايي". په تېرو شپږو مياشتو کې دا په خوست ښار کې دویمه چاودنه وه چې د خپرې شوي ادعاوو له مخې پاکستاني طالبانو پورې تړلي کسان پکې په نښه شول. د ۲۰۲۳ کال د مارچ په لومړۍ نېټه د ټولنیزو رسنیو کاروونکو ادعا وکړه چې د خوست ولایت د هوټل په چاودنه کې د پاکستانی طالبانو د تحریک قومندان په نښه او ووژل شو. د مارچ میاشتې د ادعا په څیر، ادعا وشوه چې په وروستۍ پېښه کې د خوست پر "وزیرستان هوټل" برید وشو. د ټولنیزو رسنیو کاروونکو او رسنیو هم د مارچ په میاشت کې راپور ورکړ چې چاودنه د هوايي برید یا بی پیلوټه الوتکې د برید له امله رامنځته شوې ده. توند غبرګونونه، خو لږ شواهد ورستۍ پیښه او د پاکستان هوايي بريد په اړه ګونګوسې د بیلابیلو مخاطبینو غبرګونونه راوپارول. د طالبانو ځینو پلویانو د دغه برید په اړه د طالب چارواکو پر چوپتیا نیوکه وکړه. د افغان طالبانو مخالفین چې اوس مهال له افغانستانه په بهر کې دي، دا برید د طالبانو لپاره چې د حاکمیت ادعا کوي، د شرم خبره وبلله. د پاکستان د امنیتی ځواکونو ملاتړي د ټولنیزو رسنیو اکاونټونو دا برید په افغانستان کې د پاکستان حکومت ضد اورپکو په وړاندې د پام وړ بریالیتوب وباله او ادعا یې وکړه چې په برید کې د وزیرستان څو جګپوړي قوماندانان ووژل شول. په دغو قوماندانانو کې حافظ ګل بهادر، احمدي، عليم خان او صادق نور شامل دي چې په شمالي وزيرستان کې يې د پاکستان امنيتي ځواکونو پر ضد جګړه کې د وسله والو مشری کوله. د هغو ادعاګانو سره سره چې ګواکې چاودنه پاکستاني طالبانو سره تړلي کسان په نښه کړي، افغان ویټنس داسې شواهد نه دی موندلي چې د دغو ادعاګانو پخلۍ وکړي. د ټولنیزو رسنیو کاروونکو هم په دواړو پېښو کې ادعا وکړه چې ښايي چاودنه د ګاز بالون د چاودنې له امله رامنځته شوې وي. په دغو ودانیو کې د چاودنې څرنګوالی او د هغو قربانیانو نه شتون په پام کې نیولو سره چې پاکستاني طالبانو پورې تړلي کسانو په ټوګه پیژندل شوي وو، ښايي دا چاودنه د ګازو د بالون د چاودنې له امله شوې وي. د پاکستانی طالبانو تحریک تل د خپلو رسنیزو چینلونو له لارې په افغانستان کې خپل شتون رد کړی او ادعا کوي چې د دغه تحریک سره تړلې شبکې یوازې په پاکستان کې دي. خو افغان وسټنس په کنړ، ننګرهار او پکتیکا ولایتونو کې د جون له ۱۶ نیټې راهیسې د پنځو جلا پیښو په اړه د راپورونو په پام کې نیولو سره په افغانستان کې د پاکستانی طالبانو د تحریک د قومندانانو په شمیر کې زیاتوالۍ ثبت کړۍ چې ادعا کیږی په افغانستان کې وژل شوي دي. راپور ورکړل شوۍ و چې په افغانستان کې د نامعلومو وسله والو کسانو په ډزو کې د پاکستانی طالبانو د تحریک درې غړي وژل شول او درې نور ټپیان شول. په داسې حال کې چې په افغانستان کې د پاکستانی طالبانو د تحریک (TTP) د غړو وژل کیدل کومه نوې خبره نه ده، تیر میاشت په پېښو کې د یو څه زیاتوالی راغلۍ دی. د تحریک جهاد پاکستان له برید وروسته، د پاکستان پوځ ګواښ وکړ چې په افغانستان کې د پاکستانی طالبان د تحریک پر ضد به له پولې هاخوا اقدام وکړي. پراخه موضوع: د افغان طالبانو او پاکستاني تر منځ مخ پر زیاتیدونکی کړکیچ په دې وروستیو کې د پاکستان او افغان طالبانو ترمنځ سیاسي کړکېچ د جولای میاشتې په آخر کې د پاکستان په باجوړ سیمه کې له یوه برید وروسته زیات شو چې د داعش خراسان څانګې یې پړه پر غاړه واخیسته. پاکستاني چارواکو د پولې په هغه غاړه کې د بریدونو پړه په افغانستان کې پر اورپکو او افغان وګړو واچول، خو طالب چارواکو په دغو بریدونو کې لاس لرل رد کړي دي. د پاکستان د بهرنیو چارو وزیر بلاول بوټو زرداري ګواښ وکړ چې په افغانستان کې دننه به د هغو یاغیانو پر ضد چې په پاکستان کې د بریدونو مسولیت لري، اقدام وکړي او ویویل چې که د طالبان د دغو اورپکو پر ضد د اقدام کولو توان ونه لري نو پاکستان به د هغوی ملاتړ وکړي. خو هغه د دې کار د ترسره کولو لپاره د طالبانو د ارادې په اړه شک څرګند کړ. دغه څرګندونې په پاکستان کې د مخالفو سیاسي مشرانو د سختو نیوکو او همدارنګه د افغان طالبانو او د هغوی د ملاتړو له توند غبرګون سره مخ شوې. له برید څو ورځې وروسته، د اګست د دویمې نیټې په شپه د پاکستان جنګي الوتکي د افغانستان په شمال ختیځ د کونړ ولایت د سرحدي سیمو په آسمان کې چې له باجوړ سره ګډه پوله لري، د ګزمې په حال کې ولیدل شول. په کونړ کې سیمه ییزو سرچینو افغان ویټنس ته دا خبره تایید کړه. پاکستان د ۲۰۲۲ کال د اپرېل په ۱۶مه هم ورته اقدامات وکړل چې هغه وخت کونړ ولایت کې هغه پټنځایونه چې ادعا شوې وه اورپکو پورې اړه لري، په هوایی بریدونو کې په نښه شول . د اګست میاشتې په اوومه د پاکستان د پوځ مشر، عاصم منیر په پاکستان کې دننه د اورپکو د بریدونو له کبله پر طالبانو نیوکې وکړې. په پېښور کې یوې لویې قومي جرګې ته د وینا پر مهال ، منیر "په پاکستان کې دننه په ترهګریزو پېښو کې د افغانانو ښکېلتیا" په سیمه کې د سولې او ثبات لپاره یو ګواښ او د دوحې د سولې له تړون څخه سرغړونه وبلله. د عاصم منیر له څرګندونو یوه ورځ وروسته، ذبیح الله مجاهد یو وینا خپور کړ چې په هغه کې یې په غیر مستقیم ډول د منیر پر څرګندونو غبرګون وښود. مجاهد ټینګار وکړ چې طالبان په ګاونډیو هېوادونو کې د بې ثباتۍ د رامنځته کولو اراده نه لري او اجازه به ورنه کړي چې د افغانستان له خلکو او خاوره نه د دا ډول بریدونو د ترسره کولو لپاره کار واخیستل شی. هغه څرګنده کړه چې یو ملت نباید د اشخاصو د کړنو ځواب ویونکۍ و اوسي او زیاته یې کړه چې طالبانو په ۲۰۲۲ کال کې د داعش خراسان څانګې ۱۸ پاکستانی غړي چې په افغانستان کې یې په ترهګریزو فعالیتونو کې لاس درلود، وژلي او لسګونه نور یې نیولي دي، خو بیا هم د دغو کړنو له کبله پاکستان تورن نه دي ګنلي.

Explosion near Ministry of Foreign Affairs building in Kabul The explosion occurred on the same road – in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – as the January 11 suicide bombing claimed by ISKP. 27 Mar 2023 Cover image: Google Earth / Maxar Technologies, 2023 On March 27, an explosion occurred in central Kabul. According to Amu News, a suicide bomber attempted to enter the road of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs near Malik Asghar intersection, Police District 2. According to sources cited by Amu News, the explosion allegedly occurred when Taliban officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Information and Culture were leaving. The cause of the explosion could not be independently verified at the time of writing. AW investigators geolocated an image showing the aftermath of the explosion near Malik Asghar intersection, as well as damage at the Dawoodzai Shopping Centre, which is adjacent to the intersection. Figure: Geolocation of images showing the aftermath of the explosion near the Dawoodzai Shopping Centre in Police District 2, Kabul [34.523525, 69.174389] According to the Kabul police spokesperson, Khalid Zadran, the explosion was caused as Taliban security forces engaged the suicide bomber near a checkpoint at the Malik Asghar intersection. Zadran claimed the Taliban security forces targeted the attacker and as result of the subsequent explosion, “ six civilians were killed and a number of people were injured ”, including three Taliban fighters. The spokesperson of the interior ministry, Abdul Nafee Takkur, issued a similar statement about the incident. AW's analysis of footage showing the aftermath of the explosion confirms Khalid Zadran's claims that the incident occurred near a checkpoint. The checkpoint is located in front of the Dawoodzai Shopping Centre, approximately 200 meters from the gate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Emergency NGO, an organisation providing medical aid in Afghanistan, claimed to have received 14 victims, including a child. The statement added that 12 of the victims were injured whilst two were dead on arrival. AW visually confirmed at least three [WARNING: GRAPHIC] victims of the explosion. Previous attack in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs The explosion occurred on the same road – in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – as the January 11, 2023 suicide bombing claimed by ISKP, also targeting Ministry of Foreign Affairs workers. AW investigators visually confirmed at least 16 victims of the January attack. Amaq news, an Islamic State-affiliated news agency, claimed the attack, publishing an article with a photo of the alleged attacker. Since May 2022, Afghanistan has seen a steady increase in more complex attacks on high-value targets, mostly claimed by ISKP. Within Kabul, ISKP has targeted ministries, mosques attended by senior Taliban figures, senior individuals associated with the Taliban, as well as attacks targeting foreign interests, apparently designed to undermine the Taliban’s relationships with key foreign partners, including China, Russia and Pakistan. Update: The March 27 attack was later claimed by ISKP via Amaq news , an Islamic State central news agency. According to the statements released by ISKP, via their Telegram channel, Abdul-Hamid al-Khurasani killed and injured 20 people, including diplomats, in front of the Taliban's “foreign headquarters” in Kabul. Share

< Back Using open source to counter mis- and disinformation What is mis- and disinformation? How is it undermining Afghanistan’s information environment, and how can we help tackle it? Every day, we are confronted by an overwhelming amount of content: the 24/7 news cycle and social media platforms have made it easier than ever to access, consume and disseminate news and information, but it is also becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish truth from lies. The spread of false information is not a new phenomenon, however, the debate around its causes and consequences has erupted in recent years. Misinformation and disinformation are two terms that have become ingrained into public consciousness and use, particularly in the context of the internet and social media. They refer to the spread of false or misleading information – and the biggest difference between the two is intention . Misinformation can be defined as false or misleading information, whilst dis information involves the intentional spread of false or misleading information – the latter always aims to deceive people. Both pose a significant threat to the information environment (the space in which information is disseminated and consumed, see our last explainer on this here ), with harmful attempts becoming increasingly sophisticated . The many forms of mis- and disinformation At Afghan Witness (AW), our researchers monitor social media on a daily basis to collect and, where possible, verify information on human rights incidents in Afghanistan. Videos and images claiming to show human rights violations are frequently shared, but it is not uncommon to see footage being mislabeled or used out of its original context. The team frequently finds publications and social media accounts presenting old content as though it happened recently. An example is this video posted in September 2023 on X (form erly Twitter) showing a woman being stoned. The footage had been circulating on social media accompanied by captions implying the incident took place recently. AW found that the same video was covered by the news outlet Radio Free Europe (RFE/RL) in February 2020. It also matches footage of a video covered by RFE/RL and others back in October 2015, claiming to show a woman being stoned in Ghor province. An example of old footage presented as though it is new. We often see the same videos resurfacing and repeatedly shared out of context. One such example is footage shared on X (formerly Twitter), most recently in September 2023, claiming to show a woman being beaten after losing her husband in a crowd. The footage is actually from December 2022 and shows a male student being beaten following protests against the Taliban’s ban on women attending university. While disinformation takes many forms, one recent example identified by researchers involved image manipulation. In September 2023, AW identified a post on X (formerly Twitter) which claimed that a woman was released by the Taliban after being imprisoned by her brothers for 25 years. AW found that images purporting to show the woman in her youth were in fact photoshopped and originally taken from Instagram. An example of image manipulation. These types of posts – all examples of mis- and disinformation – can generate significant engagement and are often widely shared, with social media users frequently sharing or interacting with the content without checking for accuracy or credibility. Some of the actors in the information environment, however, have a specific interest in pushing their own agendas by spreading disinformation. AW has seen such content shared by all sides of the political spectrum. The Afghanistan Liberation Movement (ALM) and Loy Paktia Freedom Front (RP01) claim to be the only resistance groups in Afghanistan operating drones. There is, however, little evidence to support this claim. In fact, AW recently found that the two groups have been using recycled satellite and stock images in posts claiming ownership and usage of drones against the Taliban . The intention behind the use of this manufactured content is not clear, though. The aim may be for the groups to deliberately obscure their capabilities or to appear more technologically advanced than they really are. What is clear is the intentional spreading of misleading information. Another common example of disinformation is the creation of false accounts posing as well-known figures, Taliban ministries or even established media outlets. AW’s research has identified several false news accounts set up to closely mimic the branding and style of popular Afghan media organisations – particularly those deemed critical of the Taliban – often attempting to attack or undermine resistance or anti-Taliban actors. In research carried out in February 2023, AW identified an X (formerly Twitter) account that mimicked the outlet Afghanistan International , with the fake account’s posts gaining over one million views. Unlike other false accounts AW had come across, the account was not overtly a parody or false, raising concerns that the majority of its content could be read as genuine news by a passing viewer. False accounts are set up to closely mimic the branding and style of popular outlets; on the left is an image taken from @AfIntlBrk, on the right is an Image posted by @AF_Inter5. Similarly, in a separate case in July 2022, a fake Taliban education ministry account – now deleted – was able to deceive reputable news outlets with a false press release announcing the imminent reopening of girls’ schools in Afghanistan. The incident demonstrated a relatively advanced disinformation effort, which was achieved by setting up a clone account, running it for a period to establish legitimacy and then using it to release a false statement on an issue that was bound to attract international attention. These efforts to appear as genuine sources of information have the sole intent of spreading disinformation and undermining the Afghan information environment. Open source as a debunking tool AW uses open source techniques to debunk mis- and disinformation. Verifying claims and increasing access to reliable and accurate information, as well as providing detailed analysis of the situation in the country, allows people to better distinguish between accurate and false news at a time when journalists in Afghanistan face numerous restrictions and barriers on their reporting. There are several different types of techniques that can be used: from a simple quick reverse image search (which checks if a photograph has been used before and has been taken out of context) to geolocation and chronolocation (which can pinpoint where and at what time the footage was taken). As mentioned before, some cases of disinformation use real footage that has not been manipulated but has instead been taken out of context to present a false narrative. While not always intentional, these posts can generate thousands of views or shares. An example of this is the below social media post, shared in March 2022, claiming children were being sold at a market in Afghanistan. The issue is complex, not only because it is an emotive and powerful topic, but also because according to news reports, the selling of children is indeed taking place in Afghanistan, making it an ideal topic for misinformation. AW’s investigation into an alleged child market was able to prove that the footage claiming to show children being sold, was actually of an earthquake relief effort. In order to clarify if this story was false or true, AW investigators used several research and open source techniques, including the analysis of social media comments and various versions of the footage shared online; geolocation to find the exact location of where the footage was filmed; and the identification of some of the individuals featured in the video. By using tools freely available on the internet, AW was able to confirm that this video was not of a child-selling market, but was, in fact, an earthquake relief effort filmed in Badghis province. Why information literacy is more important than ever Open source has grown in popularity – there is no shortage of online tutorials and websites allowing people to develop these skills from the comfort of their homes and without formal training, and many major news outlets now have fact-checking desks and verification units. However, increasing awareness around open source techniques has also led to a rise in its misuse – the same methods used to debunk disinformation might also be used to spread it. AW previously identified an account promoted by the Taliban that describes itself as “ an independent and free organisation, which was created to identify false and fake news ”. However, while the account used the fact-checking “brand”, AW found that it was not providing the evidence nor the verification processes necessary for meaningful fact-checking work. AW has seen anti-Taliban campaigners also pursue this strategy, pushing unverified, out-of-context and occasionally false stories on accounts branded as fact-checkers. There has been a discussion by practitioners and researchers on best practices to help reduce the misuse of open source. The Berkeley Protocol on Digital Open Source Investigations published jointly by UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) with the Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkeley, “ identifies international standards and provides guidance on methodologies and procedures for gathering, analysing, and preserving digital information in a professional, legal, and ethical manner ”. These guidelines ensure that open source investigators always trace and attribute the online content to the original source, if possible, evaluate the credibility and reliability of those sources, comply with legal requirements and ethical norms, and minimise the risk of harm to themselves and their sources. Mis- and disinformation are issues that have always existed and will continue to exist in the future. It is, however, essential to not let it become the norm and undermine our information spaces, especially the digital ones, where information can be spread to thousands with a single click. Information literacy – the ability to find, comprehend, and communicate information in all its various formats – is another key component to achieving that mission. In fact, this week is UNESCO’s Global Media and Information Literacy Week , commemorated annually to “ raise awareness and celebrate the progress achieved towards Media and Information Literacy for All .” ​​Investing in critical thinking, research, and verification skills is part of AW’s work to strengthen the open source capabilities of the Afghan diaspora. Flagging examples of mis- and disinformation – and explaining how to do this debunking work – will continue to be a crucial aspect of the work we do to promote a stronger information environment in Afghanistan. ​​Investing in critical thinking, research, and verification skills is part of AW’s work to strengthen Afghanistan’s information environment.

شبانه په افغانستان کې د یوې هزاره میرمنې په توګه شبانه دوه چنده ننګونې لري ما ورته ویل که په ریاست کې ښځینه کارکوونکې نه وي د ښځو ستونزې به څوک حل کړي په افغانستان کې د طالبانو له راتګ راهیسې ښځې له کار کولو څخه منعې شوې دي. دې کار د ډیرو ښځو لپاره د تباهۍ لامل شوی چې د هیواد د کاري ځواک ۲۰٪ جوړوي او اټکل کیږي چې د افغانستان اقتصاد ته تر ۱ ملیارد ډالرو پورې زیان ورسوي. دا محدودیت یو له هغو څو څخه دی چې د تیر اګست راهیسې د میرمنو لپاره لارښود شوي. ډیری میرمنې دې ته اړ شوي چې مسلک ودروي چې دوی یې د جوړولو لپاره کلونه کار کړی. دا د شبانه قضیه ده د هغې اصلي نوم نه دی د ټولنپوهنې فارغه شوې چې نږدې اته کاله یې د پوهنې په برخه کې کار کړی. شبانه افغان وتنس ته وویل چې هغه پخوا د خپل ولایت د پوهنې په برخه کې د یوې مهمې دندې لپاره د استخدام له ننګونې پروسې څخه تیره شوې وه. بیا هم کله چې طالبانو تیر اګست کې کابل ونیولو شبانه او د هغې ټولو ښځینه همکارانو ته امر وشو چې دفتر پریږدي او تر بل خبرتیا پورې په کور کې پاتې شي. شبانه پخوا د طالبانو واکمني نه وه تجربه کړې. هغه ایران ته هجرت کړی او اوه کاله یې هلته ژوند کړی دی. هغه له طالبانو سره د مخامخ کېدو او له هغوی سره د استدلال له کولو نه وېرېده هغه څرګنده کړه دوی موږ ته وویل چې په کور کې پاتې شه خو موږ دا ونه منله. موږ له چارواکو سره خبرې وکړې او د طالبانو والي ته لاړو. خو د دوی د غوښتنې وروسته شبانه او د هغې ښځینه همکارانو ته په ساده ډول وویل شول چې کور ته لاړ شي کله چې د طالبانو د مشرتابه لخوا ښځو ته اجازه ورکړل شوه چې کار ته راستانه شي دوی به خبر شي. په هرصورت دې کار شبانه د هغې د بحث کولو مخه ونه نیولها ما والي ته وویل چې ښځې د هغې په ولایت کې د پوهنې په سلو کې ۴۴ برخه جوړوي. دا څنګه ممکنه ده چې د پوهنې په ریاست کې ښځې نه وي؟ ما ورته وويل که په رياست کې ښځينه کارکوونکې نه وي د ښځو ستونزې به څوک حل کړي؟ د هزاره ګانو پر وړاندې تبعیض شبانه احساس کوي چې هغه نه یوازې په افغانستان کې د یوې ښځې په توګه بلکې د هزاره په توګه له تبعیض سره مخ ده. هزاره ګان چې په افغانستان کې اکثره سني دي د نفوس شاوخوا ۱۰-۲۰ سلنه جوړوي. هزاره ګان د ځورونې اوږده سابقه لري او د ۲۰۲۱ کال د اګست په ۱۵ د طالبانو له واک څخه مخکې د هغوی پر وړاندې تبعیض رامنځ ته شو. په هرصورت د طالبانو له راستنیدو راهیسې تاوتریخوالی زیات شوی دی یوازې په وروستیو اونیو کې څو چاودنې د هزاره شیعه ګانو په ګاونډ کې یو ښوونځی او جومات په نښه کړی دی. د بشري حقونو ډلې ادعا کوي چې هزاره ګانو تقریبا ټول اغېزمن پوسټونه له لاسه ورکړي دي. شبانه هغو راپورونو ته اشاره کوي چې د بامیانو ولایت لپاره د طالبانو له خوا ټاکل شوي د پوهنې رییس څو هزاره ګان له دې ادارې څخه ایستلي او پر ځای یې د نورو قومونو اړوند کسان ګمارلي دي. د راپورونو له مخې اسلام الدین عثماني چې د جنورۍ په میاشت کې د بامیان ولایت د پوهنې رییس ټاکل شوی و د راپورونو له مخې د هزاره ګانو یو شمېر لوړ پوړي کارکوونکي پرته له کوم څرګند دلیل له دندو ګوښه کړي او پر ځای یې هغه ته نږدې کسان ګمارلي دي چې په وینا یې تر دې کچې لاندې کسان دي. وړ هغه لومړی د ښځو په ډزو پیل وکړ. هغه د ښوونې او روزنې مشر بیا د پلان جوړونې مدیر له دندې ګوښه کړ او بیا یې لږ تر لږه شپږ هزاره ګان له دې څانګې څخه وشړل او پر ځای یې خپل مامورین وګومارل. اقتصادي بې ثباتي افغان وتنس له شبانه سره خبرې کوي لکه څنګه چې د روژې پای نږدې کیږي. په داسې حال کې چې معمولا د روژې په میاشت کې د خوراکي توکو بیې لوړیږي دا روژه او اختر په افغانستان کې د مسلمانانو لپاره په ځانګړې توګه ستونزمن شوي د ځینو خوراکي توکو بیې دوه چنده شوي او کورنۍ او ماشومان په ډوډۍ او اوبو ژوند کوي. کارپوهان اټکل کوي چې په ملیونونه خلک په سخته بې وزلۍ کې ژوند کوي ځکه چې نړیوالې مرستې بندې شوې دي. هغه وويل د روژې په ټوله مياشت کې مې خپلو ماشومانو ته يو کيلو غوښه نه ده ورکړې. دوی د غوښې په لټه کې دي خو ما هیڅ هم نه شي کولی شبانه په بې وسۍ سره وايي. زه لاړم چې د خپل کور ځینې شیان وپلورم خو هیچا یې ونه پېرل. شبانه د یوې نهه کسیزې کورنۍ یوازینۍ ډوډۍ راوړونکې ده او د طالبانو د بیا راژوندي کیدو راهیسې هغه وايي چې هغې ته د معاش نیمایي برخه ورکول کیږي. طالبانو د ښځو د کار کولو د محدودولو تر څنګ ویلي دي چې ښځې باید له ۴۵ میلونو (۷۲ کیلومتره) څخه د زیات سفر پر مهال د کورنۍ له نږدې نارینه غړي سره وي. هغه وايي اوس اته میاشتې کیږي چې زه په کور کې یم. زه په سختۍ سره بهر ځم او هرکله چې زه کوم زما یو زوی زما سره راځي. د ژوند لګښت هم په دې معنی دی چې د شبانه زامن نور ښوونځي ته نه ځي. هغې افغان وتنس ته وویل زما دوه دوه هلکان پخوا یو خصوصي ښوونځي ته تلل مګر زه نور د شخصي ښوونځي توان نه لرم او عامه ښوونځي له هغه ځای څخه لرې دي چې موږ ژوند کوو زما دواړو زامنو ښوونځي پریښودل. مګر یو شی شتون لري چې شبانه تر بل هر څه ډیر اندیښمن کړي د روژې په میاشت کې وروستي بریدونه چې ډیری یې هزاره شیعه ټولنه په نښه کړې. دا مهال د لوړ خطر امنیتي وضعیت پدې معنی دی چې حتی د خوراکي توکو پیرودلو سفر ممکن وژونکی ثابت شي. شبانه وايي د هزاره او شیعه ګانو په توګه موږ د خپل ژوند په اړه ویره لرو. خلک په بازارونو جوماتونو او ښوونځیو کې د احتمالي ترهګریز برید ویره لري. Interview by Afghan Witness Source:

Taliban hangs bodies of ‘kidnappers’ in Herat – at least one claimed to be former government security personnel Afghan Witness’s OSINT team has geolocated three bodies of alleged kidnappers that were publicly displayed by the Taliban, and also spoke to the friend of one of the individuals killed - who is reportedly former Afghan military personnel. 25 Feb 2022 Warning: this article contains graphic details. It also features photographs of the bodies that were hung, which AW has made efforts to censor. On the evening of February 21st, according to Taliban sources , three alleged kidnappers were killed during clashes in Herat city. The bodies of the three kidnappers were then hung in different parts of the city and publicly displayed for more than 24-hours. Afghan Witness (AW) has geolocated the displayed bodies of the three alleged kidnappers killed by the Taliban. The first body was hung in Bekr Abad Square, the second one on the gate of Kandahar Square, and the third person was hung from a crane near Chowk Gulha. Figure 1, above: AW geolocations of where two of the bodies were hung in Herat. Figure 2: geolocation identified as Bekr Abad Square, Herat. Figure 3: geolocation identified as gate of Kandahar Square, Herat. AW also geolocated the third body that was hung from a crane near Chowk Gulha, in Herat: Figure 4: Geolocation near Chowk Gulha, Herat, where the third body was publicly displayed from a crane. Figure 5: Geolocation near Chowk Gulha, Herat, where the third body was publicly displayed from a crane. According to social media posts and a journalist from TOLO news, at least one of the alleged kidnappers killed by the Taliban was former military personnel in the Afghan National Army. Social media posts, which names the man Mahboub Shah, include photographs of him in military uniform. AW has spoken to friends of Mahboub, including a journalist now living outside the country, who confirmed Mahboub had served in the military and was previously responsible for the security of the former governor of Herat province; he also served as the head of logistics in an Afghan military base in the Ghorian district of Herat. They cast doubt on the Taliban’s claims he could have been involved in kidnapping. Images above: Mahboub in military uniform, taken from social media ( photo 1 ; photo 2 ) Reports of disappearances and extrajudicial killings of former government security personnel are frequent and widespread across the country. In November of last year, a report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) estimated that more than 100 former Afghan security forces have been killed by the Taliban or have disappeared since Taliban forces seized control. HRW added that the Taliban have also used employment records left behind by the former government to identify people for arrest and execution. However, it is unusual for Taliban punishments to be carried out in public, meaning there is often limited material for verification. It is notable that the last verified example was also in Herat, on 25th September 2021, when Taliban publicly displayed the bodies of three men hanging from cranes. AW geolocated and verified videos of the incident (GRAPHIC), which was covered by media at the time. Share