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What is the fellowship program? The Noor Fellowship ('Noor' or 'نور', meaning 'light') is a four-month online program that provides guidance to selected journalists, researchers, advocates, and human rights reporters working in the Afghanistan information space. The program aims to strengthen fellows’ skills in open-source intelligence, verification, and fact-checking, as well as building their networks along the way. Overall, the fellowship provides an opportunity to contribute to and strengthen information, both on, and in, Afghanistan. At the end of the program, fellows will complete an investigation incorporating open-source tools as the cornerstone element of their project. Investigations undertaken by fellows will ideally be in areas where there are gaps of knowledge (i.e. topics regarding women and girls, the LGBT community, other minorities or identified understudied areas) and the work will seek to help fill those gaps. Purpose of the program To strengthen the open-source skills of journalists, researchers, advocates, or human rights reporters and increase their contribution to the Afghan media and NGO community — with the overall purpose of supporting the information landscape in Afghanistan. What is included in the fellowship program? A stipend determined by the scope of the proposal — a note on this is listed below — we anticipate supporting around 5 fellows under the Noor Fellowship Expert training on Open Source (OSINT) investigation techniques Ongoing guidance throughout the fellowship period Supporting fellows to identify opportunities build their network and help them attend events and/or meetings where relevant Subscriptions to relevant services Flights/travel costs where relevant Selection criteria Candidates will demonstrate the following in their application to be considered for the fellowship program: ​ Expertise Candidates must be journalists, researchers, advocates, or human rights reporters with a keen and evident interest in Afghanistan They will demonstrate existing and significant skills in investigative reporting (not necessarily open-source skills although this would be useful) Interest They will be engaged and communicative with Afghan Witness (show initial interest in learning these techniques and partaking in the program) Quality of, and capacity for, the proposal They’ll have capacity to deliver on their proposals They’ll indicate potential of sustainability — this will further their career and contribute to their long term goals They will demonstrate integrity Candidates will demonstrate how they’ll use the knowledge gained from the fellowship to strengthen the information landscape in Afghanistan ​ ​ Please note! The fellowship is an online program and does not include any visa sponsorship. The applicants are requested to confirm the following in their personal statement: “I understand that the maximum amount of funding available to those selected to receive the Noor Fellowship is GBP £5,000 (or USD $ equivalent). By submitting this application, I confirm that I accept this stipulation and confirm I believe my project proposal is achievable within this funding amount ” AW welcomes applications from women and girls, as well as minority groups and those people less represented in the Afghanistan information space. How to apply Applicants are requested to submit an application in English, containing the following documents by the 15th December to fellowship@afghanwitness.org ​ A Curriculum Vitae A Personal Statement (maximum 500 words) in which the applicant will cover how they meet the selection criteria mentioned above Brief project proposal/design (not more than 1000 words) to outline the topic of investigation, purpose, activities and methodology Timeline We’re excited to read your proposals — good luck!

داعش ادعا مسئولیت حمله به هتل چینی کابل لونگان را کرده , یکی از مهاجمان فرار کرد در این گزارش عمیق افغان وتنس اطلاعات موجود پیرامون حمله داعش به هوتل لنگان کابل در ۱۲ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ را تجزیه و تحلیل می کند. بازرسان ادعای بمب گذار انتحاری حمله دیگری به فرودگاه نظامی کابل در ۱ جنوری ۲۰۲۳ را با این حمله مقایسه کردند. یک فرد در حال فرار پس از حمله به هتل فیلم گرفته شده است 2 Jan 2023 ۱۲ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ حوالی ساعت ۱۴:۳۰ به وقت محلی تیراندازی و انفجار در شهر نو کابل گزارش شد. به گزارش رویترز دو منبع طالبان مدعی شدند که مردان مسلح در داخل هتلی که به گفته خبرگزاری فرانسه تجار چینی اغلب در آن اقامت دارند تیراندازی کردند. بازرسان افغان وتنس ساختمان را هوتل کابل لنگان در منطقه شهر نو ناحیه ۴ پلیس شناسایی کردند. شکل: موقعیت جغرافیایی تصاویر آتش‌سوزی در هتلی را نشان می‌دهد که طبق گزارشات تجار چینی در شهر نو ناحیه۴ کابل رفت و آمد می‌کنند [۳۴.۵۳۵۱۶۶, ۶۹.۱۶۵۳۳۵] این هتل همانطور که در نقشه زیر دیده می شود در منطقه شمالی کابل کمی بیش از یک کیلومتری سفارت سابق بریتانیا قرار دارد. شکل: موقعیت هوتل در شهر نو ناحیه۴ کابل [۳۴.۵۳۵۱۶۶, ۶۹.۱۶۵۳۳۵] صاحب هتل در یک مستند الجزیره در مورد کارآفرینان چینی در افغانستان که در ۲۴ نومبر ۲۰۲۲ منتشر شد شرکت کرد. هنگام مصاحبه او ادعا کرد که مهمانان هتل او از طبقه متوسط و نخبه چینی هستند. با این حال فیلم های مستند نشان می داد که این هتل دارای کارکنان افغان و چینی است. ویدئوهای مختلف به اشتراک گذاشته شده توسط کاربران شواهدی از تیراندازی در نزدیکی محل گزارش شده ارائه می دهد. گویا یکی از شاهدان این رویداد به طلوع نیوز گفت که چندین انفجار کوچکتر به دنبال دو انفجار اولیه از داخل ساختمان رخ داده است. ویدئویی از یکی از این انفجارها در شبکه های اجتماعی پیدا شد. وجود آتش در حداقل دو طبقه قبل از انفجارها نشان می دهد که این اولین انفجار نبوده است. گلوبال تایمز یک آژانس رسانه ای وابسته به دولت چین با وانگ دوانیونگ دانشیار که در زمان حمله در طبقه ششم هتل اقامت داشت تماس گرفت. بنا به شهادت وی انفجاری در طبقات هفتم و هشتم رخ داده است. دوانیونگ مدعی شد که به او گفته شده است که سه فرد مسلح وارد هتل شده و شروع به تیراندازی به کارکنان امنیتی هتل کرده اند هرچند که او خودش آنها را ندیده است. بر اساس شهادت وی تیراندازی حدود یک ساعت به طول انجامید و او مدعی شد که در این مدت بیش از ۱۰ صدای انفجار را شنیده است. در ۱۶ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ یک کانال تلگرامی حامی داعش سیصد و شصت و نهمین نسخه مجله النباء یک مجله هفتگی داعش را منتشر کرد. در مقاله ای در مورد حمله به هتل کابل لونگان مدعی شد که اولین نقطه حمله انفجاری در داخل یک مهمانی چینی بود که در داخل ساختمان برگزار شد. به گفته این مجله یکی از مهاجمان پس از انفجار وارد اتاق شده و با شلیک تپانچه خود مجروح را به پایان رساند . مشخص نیست که آیا بمب گذار انتحاری اولین انفجار را انجام داده است یا خیر. با این حال قابل توجه است که مجله بقیه وقایع را با اشاره به یک مهاجم منفرد توصیف می کند. در این مقاله مدعی شد که او [متجاوز] همچنین توانست درهای اتاق ها را منفجر کند و خود را به طبقه نهم برساند و هرکسی را که در راه خود از مهمانان هتل چینی الحمدلله سر راهش قرار می‌گرفت شلیک کند . اگرچه نمی توان تأیید کرد که چه تعداد مهمان یا کارمند در زمان حمله در هتل بوده اند اما واضح است که هتل خالی نبوده است. در ویدئویی که توسط فینگ شوز یک خبرگزاری چینی منتشر شده حداقل چهار نفر که یکی از آنها تبعه چین است در زیر یک سازه ناشناس پنهان شده اند. پس از آن یک گروه ناشناس از افراد دیده شد که ظاهراً توسط یک جنگجوی مسلح طالبان به طبقه پایین اسکورت شده بودند. اگرچه دیدن افرادی که در طبقه پایین در میان شیشه های شکسته و تخریب کلی در حال راه رفتن هستند غیرممکن است به نظر می رسد فردی که دستگاه ضبط را در دست دارد به زبان چینی صحبت می کند. به گفته وانگ ونبین سخنگوی وزارت خارجه چین پنج شهروند چینی زخمی شدند. فیلمی که در رسانه‌های اجتماعی یافت شد حداقل چهار فرد مختلف را نشان داد که از پنجره‌های هتل برای فرار [هشدار: گرافیک] استفاده می‌کنند. مشخص نیست که آیا آنها سعی در فرار از تیراندازی داشتند یا از آتش اما بعداً فرد دو به عنوان یکی از دو مهاجم شناسایی شد. شکل: چهار فرد مختلف در حال بالا رفتن یا پریدن از هتل در تلاش برای فرار که یکی بعداً به عنوان یکی از دو مهاجم (نفر دوم به چپ) شناسایی شد. پاسخ طالبان خالد زدران سخنگوی پولیس کابل با تایید این رویداد مدعی شد که یک ساختمان هوتل در منطقه شهرنو شهر کابل که در آن مردم عادی زندگی می کنند مورد حمله عناصر شیطان صفت قرار گرفت. نیروهای امنیتی به منطقه رسیده اند و مهاجمان در حال حاضر در حال پاکسازی هستند. به گفته ذبیح الله مجاهد سخنگوی طالبان هیچ خارجی کشته نشدند و دو شهروند خارجی هنگام تلاش برای پریدن از پنجره به طور جزئی زخمی شدند . بر اساس اظهارات آنها ۲۱ مجروح بر اثر این حمله دریافت کرده اند که از این ۲۱ نفر سه نفر در بدو ورود جان خود را از دست داده اند. بازرسان افغان وتنس می توانند تایید کنند که یک جنگجوی طالبان در جریان این رویداد زخمی شده است. با این حال در زمان نگارش این گزارش تعداد تلفات بیشتر به طور مستقل تأیید نشده است. عکسی که توسط یک حساب کاربری طرفدار طالبان به اشتراک گذاشته شده است حدود ۱۵ جنگجوی مسلح طالبان را در ورودی ساختمان نشان می دهد. مشخص نیست که آیا آنها وارد ساختمان شده اند یا فقط خروجی را مسدود کرده اند. حضور طالبان در ورودی ممکن است به تصمیم افراد مختلف در حال بالا رفتن یا پریدن از پنجره های هتل در تلاش برای فرار کمک کرده باشد. مسئولیت حمله توسط داعش در ۱۲ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ چندین ساعت پس از انجام این حمله داعش در کانال تلگرام خود مسئولیت حمله را بر عهده گرفت و اظهار داشت: به لطف خداوند متعال دو انگیماسی از میان سربازان خلافت به هوتل بزرگی که دیپلمات ها و بازرگانان چین کمونیستی در شهر کابل رفت و آمد می کردند حمله کردند در حالی که دو کیسه انفجاری از پیش تعیین شده را منفجر کردند اولی مراسمی را هدف قرار داد. چینی ها در حالی که دومی سالن پذیرایی از میهمانان در طبقه اول را هدف قرار داد. سپس یکی از اینگیماسی ها در طبقه دوم کمین کرد و شروع کرد به پرتاب نارنجک های دستی بر روی اعضای مرتد طالبان که می خواستند بالا بروند در همین حین انگیماسی دیگر شروع به بالا رفتن از طبقات بالایی کردند و درهای آپارتمان را با بمب های چسبناک منفجر کردند و به سمت چینی های نزولی شلیک کردند. منجر به کشته و زخمی شدن حداقل ۳۰ کافر و مرتد و سوختن بخش هایی از هتل شد. حمد و سپاس مخصوص خداوند متعال است. شکل: داعش مسئولیت حمله به هوتل کابل لنگان را بر عهده گرفت علاوه بر این بیانیه مکتوب داعش عکس‌ها و ویدئویی از مهاجمان منتشر کرد که با هدف بیعت کردند. این دو مرد در این فیلم چهره خود را آشکار کردند که برای اعضای داعش رفتاری غیرعادی است. این رفتار و این واقعیت که بیانیه از آنها به عنوان انگمسس یاد می کند ممکن است نشان دهد که احتمال برنامه ریزی یکی یا هر دو مهاجم برای زنده ماندن از این مصیبت وجود داشته است. بازرسان افغان وتنس عکس ها و ویدئوهای اعضای داعش را قبل از حمله تجزیه و تحلیل کردند و آنها را با عکس های اتاق هتل که در یک وب سایت رزرو یافت شده بود مقایسه کردند. شباهت های زیادی بین آنها وجود دارد بنابراین به فیلم و عکس های گرفته شده از داخل هتل اشاره می کند. شکل: مقایسه بین عکس های اتاق هتل در یک وب سایت رزرواسیون و عکس های جنگجویان داعش قبل از حمله آنها به هوتل کابل لنگان. اعضای داعش ادعای حمله خود و ضبط بیعت خود را برای خلیفه جدید دولت اسلامی نشان می دهد که حمله به خوبی آماده شده بود. نسخه ۳۶۹ النبا که در ۱۶ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ منتشر شد ادعا کرد که اطلاعات انحصاری در مورد حمله به هتل کابل لنگان در اختیار دارد. به گفته این مجله مهاجمان توانسته اند با استفاده از کارت های شناسایی جعلی اتاقی در هتل رزرو کنند. این مقاله می افزاید که سلاح ها و مواد منفجره با استفاده از ترفندهای خاص به هتل آورده شده است اما جزئیات بیشتری ارائه نکرد. این می تواند نشان دهنده کمبود امنیت در هتل یا کمک افراد ناشناس باشد. این عکس‌ها همچنین به بازرسان افغان وتنس امکان تجزیه و تحلیل سلاح‌های انتخابی را می‌داد. مهاجمان انواع سلاح های کوچک و مواد منفجره را به نمایش گذاشتند. در میان آنها حداقل هفت نارنجک دستی F-۱ ۱۳ بسته مواد منفجره و دو تپانچه ماکاروف با خشاب اضافی همانطور که در شکل زیر مشاهده می شود وجود داشت. توجه به عدم وجود سلاح‌های کالیبر بزرگ‌تر جالب بود انتخابی که ممکن است به دلیل اینکه سلاح‌های بزرگ‌تر به راحتی مورد توجه قرار گرفته‌اند انجام شده است. شکل: سلاح های مورد استفاده برای حمله به هوتل لنگان کابل. متن زیر عکس ها مهاجمان را ابوعمر و عبدالجبار احتمالاً با نام مستعار شناسایی می کند. ادعای منتشر شده توسط داعش فقط اشاره می کند که دو مهاجم این عملیات را انجام داده اند. با این حال بسیاری از گزارش های منتشر شده در آن روز از جمله بیانیه رسمی طالبان ادعا کردند که سه مهاجم این عملیات را انجام داده اند. دلیل تناقض بین این دو داستان در حال حاضر مشخص نیست. این احتمال وجود دارد که این دو مهاجم توسط شخصی که به هوتل دسترسی داشته مانند یکی از کارکنان کمک کرده باشند یا طالبان به اشتباه یک قربانی را به عنوان یکی از عاملان شناسایی کرده باشند. بازرسان افغان وتنس نتوانستند حضور مهاجم سوم را تأیید کنند. حمله داعش به فرودگاه نظامی کابل مهاجم در حال فرار از هتل لونگان فیلم گرفته شده است در ۱ جنوری ۲۰۲۳ یک حمله به فرودگاه نظامی کابل منجر به حداقل هفت تلفات بصری تایید شده [هشدار: گرافیک] شد. در ۲ جنوری ۲۰۲۳ اعماق نیوز یک نشریه دولت اسلامی عکس عامل حمله را به اشتراک گذاشت. بمب گذار انتحاری ادعا شده توسط بازرسان افغان وتنس به عنوان یکی از دو مهاجم به هوتل کابل لنگان در ۱۲ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ شناسایی شد. بازرسان افغان وتنس این مرد را احتمالاً یکی از چهار نفری که در جریان این رویداد از هوتل فرار کرده بودند شناسایی کردند. او در حال بالا رفتن از حداقل سه طبقه از هتل با استفاده از بالکن ها تا رسیدن به سقف یک سازه مجاور ثبت شد. تصویر زیر مقایسه‌ای بین عکس یکی از مهاجمان هتل (سمت چپ) تصویر مهاجم فرودگاهی که توسط اعماق نیوز به اشتراک گذاشته شده است به همراه ادعای حمله (بالا سمت راست) و لباس‌های مردی که در حال بالا رفتن از آن فیلم‌برداری شده است ارائه می‌کند. پایین هتل (پایین سمت راست). شکل: مقایسه بین یکی از مهاجمان هتل لونگان در ۱۲ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ (سمت چپ) تصویری از مهاجم فرودگاه که توسط عاماق نیوزبه اشتراک گذاشته شده است به همراه ادعای حمله (بالا سمت راست) در ۱ جنوری ۲۰۲۳ و مرد بالا رفتن از نمای بیرونی هتل لونگان (سمت راست پایین). ادعای داعش همانطور که در زیر مشاهده می شود بیان کرد: به لطف خداوند متعال یکی از شوالیه‌های شهادت برادر عبدالجبار رضی الله عنه روز گذشته به سمت گردهمایی شبه نظامیان مرتد طالبان در مقابل دروازه بخش نظامی میدان هوایی کابل رفت. و این در حالی بود که قبل از ورود به بخش نظامی در حال انجام مراحل بررسی کارتها بودند که شهید کمربند انفجاری خود را در میان جمعیت آنها منفجر کرد که منجر به کشته و زخمی شدن حدود ۵۰ تن از طالبان شد. به خدا. شکل: بیانیه داعش که از طریق کانال های تلگرامی آنها به اشتراک گذاشته شد و مسئولیت حمله در نزدیکی میدان هوایی کابل را بر عهده گرفت. در بیانیه رسمی طالبان ادعا شده است که سه مهاجم کشته شده اند اما تنها دو عضو داعش در این رویداد دخیل بوده اند و یکی از آنها فرار کرده است بنابراین مشخص نیست که آیا طالبان دو فرد را به اشتباه شناسایی کرده اند یا عمداً اطلاعات نادرست ارائه کرده اند. دلایل احتمالی حمله به هتل در ۱۴ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ یک حساب توییتر طرفدار داعش که در همان روز ایجاد شد عکس‌های مختلفی را که قبل از حمله از داخل هتل گرفته شده بود به اشتراک گذاشت. تصاویر اتباع مختلف چینی را در رستوران هتل نشان می دادند. به نظر می‌رسد این تصاویر بدون رضایت یا آگاهی افراد در آن‌ها گرفته شده‌اند تار هستند و از زوایایی گرفته شده‌اند که نشان می‌دهد عکاس سعی کرده دوربین خود را پنهان کند. این تصاویر اتباع چینی را به تصویر می کشد که پشت میز رستوران نشسته اند یا در حال غذا خوردن یا سیگار کشیدن هستند. برخی از زنان به نظر می رسد که صورت یا موهای خود را پوشانده نیستند و شلوار پوشیده اند. این تصاویر با لحن توهین آمیزی به افراد حاضر در رستوران یا دولت طالبان به دلیل اجازه دادن به این فحاشی همراه بود. در زیر نمونه هایی از برخی از توییت های همراه تصاویر آورده شده است. شکل: توییت‌هایی از یک حساب کاربری طرفدار داعش که به افراد حاضر در عکس‌ها و دولت طالبان به دلیل اجازه دادن به رفتار آنها حمله کلامی می‌کند. ترجمه ها به شرح زیر است: بالا سمت چپ: روسپی‌های چینی در هتل کابل لانگان بالا سمت راست: شما خرها از اینها بدجنس تر هستید چگونه می توانید از خود در برابر نیم چینی های زاهدان دفاع کنید. پایین سمت چپ: شما که از حکومت اسلامی شکایت دارید آیا در اسلام این فحاشی و عیاشی کفار در حکومت خودخوانده اسلامی شما جایز است؟ جواب بدید. پایین سمت راست: فحاشی زنان در داخل هوتل کابل لنگان. اینجا مملکت اسلامی شماست که کفار در آن خوش می گذرانند. عکس هایی که قبل از حمله گرفته شده و توهین های همراه آن می تواند انگیزه ای برای هدف قرار دادن هتل باشد. کاربر یکی از حامیان داعش به اخلاقیات افراد حاضر در رستوران و همچنین طالبان به دلیل اجازه دادن به فحاشی و عیاشی کفار تحت حکومت خودخوانده اسلامی اشاره و محکوم می کند. روابط چین و افغانستان این حمله کمتر از ۲۴ ساعت پس از دیدار شیرمحمد عباس استانکزی معاون وزیر امور خارجه طالبان و وانگ یو سفیر چین در کابل رخ داد. عبدالقهار بلخی سخنگوی وزارت امور خارجه در توییتر مدعی شد که سفیر چین با ابراز خرسندی از امنیت کلی در افغانستان از امارت اسلامی خواست تا به امنیت سفارت چین در کابل توجه بیشتری داشته باشد. به گزارش آریانا به نقل از خبرگزاری افغانستان یو پس از حملات هدفمند اخیر به سفارتخانه های پاکستان و روسیه نسبت به امنیت سفارت چین ابراز نگرانی کرد. آریانا نیوز گزارش داد که استانکزی در این دیدار به یو اطمینان داد که امنیت نمایندگان سیاسی در افغانستان یکی از اولویت های حکومت امارت اسلامی است . چین در تبلیغات داعش هدف قرار گرفت داعش از طریق تبلیغات منافع چین و چین را در منطقه هدف قرار داده است. داعش چندین بیانیه و ویدئو منتشر کرده است که حضور چین در افغانستان را محکوم کرده و خواستار حملات علیه افراد و منافع چین شده است. مشارکت دیپلماتیک طالبان با چین به طور مداوم در مواد تبلیغاتی برجسته شده است مانند مجله انگلیسی زبان صدای خراسان که در آن در شماره ۱۳ که در ۳ سپتمبر ۲۰۲۲ منتشر شد یک حذف جامع از چین را شامل شد. این مقاله عمدتاً بر موفقیت اقتصادی چین متمرکز است. پس از پیوستن به سازمان تجارت جهانی با این حال با این تهدید به پایان می رسد که چین نمی تواند از خود در برابر چاقوهای تیز سربازان خلافت محافظت کند. در شماره‌های اخیر مجله مانند شماره ۱۷ که در ۲ نومبر ۲۰۲۲ منتشر شد از چین نیز نام برده شد. در این نسخه نویسنده چین را به شکنجه میلیون‌ها مسلمان اویغور نگهداری آنها در اردوگاه‌های کار اجباری و ربودن خواهران مسلمان متهم می‌کند. افتخار و احترام. آنها طالبان را متهم می کنند که به عنوان بخشی از امت اسلامی چشم بر این بی عدالتی ها می بندند و ادعا می کنند که این به دلیل نیاز خودخواهانه و ملی گرایانه طالبان به حفظ روابط دیپلماتیک با چین است. این تلاش های تبلیغاتی ناشی از مخالفت داعش با حضور و نفوذ فزاینده چین در افغانستان به ویژه در مورد طرح کمربند و جاده است. داعش تلاش های چین برای توسعه زیرساخت ها و پروژه های اقتصادی در منطقه را تهدیدی برای منافع و ایدئولوژی خود می داند. در نتیجه این گروه به دنبال تضعیف و حمله به منافع چین برای برهم زدن و تضعیف این پروژه ها و روابط طالبان با چین بوده است. شکل: تصویر عنوان استفاده شده در مقاله رویای امپریالیسم چین از صدای خراسان (انگلیسی) شماره ۱۳. سایر حملات داعش علیه شهروندان خارجی حادثه در هوتل کابل لنگان سومین حمله تحت مسئولیت داعش است که شهروندان خارجی را در خاک افغانستان در چهار ماه گذشته هدف قرار داده است. در ۵ سپتمبر ۲۰۲۲ داعش مسئولیت حمله در مقابل سفارت روسیه در کابل را بر عهده گرفت. اگرچه بیانیه داعش مدعی شد که بیش از ۲۵ نفر در نتیجه حمله انتحاری زخمی و کشته شدند تنها چهار نفر در بیمارستان غیر دولتی اورژانس بستری شدند. در ۲ دسمبر ۲۰۲۲ مهاجمان مسلح عبید الرحمن نظامی رئیس هیئت پاکستانی را در محوطه سفارت پاکستان در کابل ناحیه۴ هدف قرار دادند. سفیر آسیبی ندید اما محافظ او دو گلوله خورد. داعش مسئولیت این حمله را بر عهده گرفت و عکس هایی را به عنوان مدرکی از اقدامات خود منتشر کرد. خبرنگار افغان وتنس:افغان وتنس ۲ جنوری ۲۰۲۳

د طالبانو کورونه تلاشي د پراخو مخابراتي کمپاینونو سره افغان وتنس ګوري چې څنګه دې ډلې ټولنیزې رسنۍ متحرک کړي ترڅو د بریا او ملاتړ عکس ته وده ورکړي انځور، پورته: ټولنیز رسنۍ طالبانو د فبرورۍ په ۲۴ مه په کابل او همدارنګه په پنجشیر، پروان، کاپیسا او دایکندي ولایتونو کې د کور په کور پراخ عملیات پیل کړل، د طالبانو د ادارې ویاند ذبیح الله مجاهد په وینا تلاشي د تفصیل عملیاتو برخه وه او کورونه یوازې هغه مهال په نښه شوي چې د احتمالي جرمي فعالیتونو مشخص راپور شتون درلود. دا ادعا د لویدیځ ډیپلوماتانو لخوا ننګول شوې په افغانستان کې د آلمان ټاکل شوي سفیر ادعا وکړه چې لټونونه ډیری عام وګړي اغیزمن کړي. لکه څنګه چې د لټون عملیات پیل شول طالبانو او د طالبانو پلوه حسابونو یو پراخ آنلاین مخابراتي کمپاین پیل کړ ترڅو په کابل کې د پلټنې د منظم او بشپړ تصفیوي عملیاتو د یوې برخې په توګه ځای په ځای کړي چې د اوسیدونکو بشپړ ملاتړ یې درلود، د کابل د پولیسو ویاند خالد ځدراڼ د عملیاتو ګڼې ویډیوګانې خپرې کړې چې په کې له ځان سره یوه فلمي مرکه هم شامله ده چې ظاهراً د ده د کور له تلاشۍ وروسته په کې د ده په خبره خوښ دی چې له ټولو وګړو سره یو شان چلند کېږي. ۱شکل: د رسمي (پورته) او غیر رسمي (لاندې) حسابونو پوسټونه چې د عامه ملاتړ ادعا کوي او د ملاتړ کونکو اتباعو سره د ووکس پاپ ځانګړتیاوې لري. رسمي او غیر رسمي حسابونو هم د ښځینه پولیسو په شتون ټینګار کړی چې ظاهرا د ښځو په لټون کې د مرستې لپاره شتون لري، د طالبانو له خوا په خپره شوې ویډیو کې دوه میرمنې د تلاشۍ له ډلې سره لیدل کیږي، چې یوې یې کمرې ته مرکه ورکوي او وایي موږ د کورنیو چارو وزارت له خوا موظف شوي یو چې له خپلو وروڼو سره یو ځای شو او کورونه تلاشي کړو ښځې موږ تلاشي کوو له خلکو مو غوښتنه ده چې له موږ سره همکاري وکړي او په غوسه نه شي ځکه چې دا کار دوی ته هم ګټه رسوي موږ به هغه شیان ضبط کړو چې پټ دي او په یو ډول یا بل ډول په ترهګریزو بریدونو کې کارول کیدی شي. ۲ شکل: د کابل د پولیسو د ویاند پوسټونه چې د لټون په عملیاتو کې د ښځینه پولیسو په کارونې ټینګار کوي (ټویټر، ټویټر). په مقابل کې داسې ویډیوګانې خپرې شوي چې پکې د طالبانو یوازې نارینه غړي د ښځو کورونه تلاشي کوي. په داسې حال کې چې لومړني ارتباطات د لټونونو په منظم او میتودیک موقعیت باندې تمرکز کوي رسمي او غیر رسمي حسابونه ډیر ژر د عملیاتو ادعا شوي بریالیتوبونو روښانه کولو ته لیږدول شوي، د وسلو او نورو موادو فوٹیج چې ادعا شوي نیول شوي و د کابل د پولیسو ویاند، خالد ځدراڼ هم له پلویانو وغوښتل چې هر هغه څوک وپېژني چې نظام او هېواد ته ګواښ پېښوي د طالبانو پلوه ټولنیزو رسنیو په پراخه منظره کې، افغان وتنس د طالبانو پلوه حسابونو څخه د لاندې هشټاګونو کارول لیدلي: #ClearingOperationIsforSecurity ، #تصفیوي_عملیات_دامنیت_په_پار او #عملیات_تصفیوی_جهت_تأمین_امنیت چې د محتوياتو تر څنګ کارول شوي او د طالبانو د عملیاتو د بریالیتوب ادعا کوي. ۳ شکل: د هشټاګونو په کارولو سره د ټویټونو مثال چې د عملیاتو ملاتړ کوي. ۴ شکل : په هوکسلی کې جوړ شوی ګراف چې د #ClearingOperationIsforSecurity ، #تصفیوي_عملیات_دامنیت_په_پار او #عملیات_تصفیوی_جهت_تأمین_امنیت د هشټاګونو د خپریدو له لارې رامینځته شوی شبکه ښیې چې د ذکرونو او ریټویټونو له لارې. د هشټاګونو لخوا رامینځته شوي د شبکې ترټولو مهم غړی د Aftabkochi313@ اکاونټ دی چې د طالبانو پلوه لیکوال ۶۴.۶ زره پلویان لري. دا هم د یادولو وړ ده چې د ۲۴۳ حسابونو نیمایي څخه ډیر تحلیل شوي د ټولټال ۶۰۳ ډیټا سیټ څخه د بوټو په څیر چلند ښودلی کوم چې افغان وتنس مخکې د طالبانو پلوه هشټاګ کمپاینونو کې لیدلي لکه د ترویکا ملاقات په ماښام کې د تیر کال په نومبر کې . دا باید ټینګار وشي چې پورته ښودل شوي د بوټو نمرې لازمي ندي چې دا ځوابونه اتومات دي. هغه میټریکونه چې د بوټو په څیر د چلند لوړې درجې رامینځته کوي کولی شي د انسان چلند منعکس کړي لکه د غوره حسابونو بار بار ټویټ کول. په هرصورت، دا یو ښه تاسیس شوی او په بالقوه توګه همغږي شوي پراخوالی شبکه وړاندیز کوي. هشټګونه په ورته وخت کې کارول شوي، او له افغانستان څخه د راپورونو سره سم په کابل او شاوخوا ولایتونو کې د کورونو پلټنه روانه ده. په هر هشټاګ کې میټریکونه ښیې چې پښتو هشټاګ خورا پراخه کارول شوی و، د فبرورۍ له ۲۵ څخه تر مارچ ۲ پورې له ۱۶۳۰ څخه زیاتو کاروونکو سره ۴۰۰۰ ځله کارول شوی. د انګلیسي ژبې هشټګ په دوهم ځای کې راغلی ۹۴۳ کاروونکو ۲۷۰۰ ځله پوسټ کړی او دریم یې دري.۵۴۷ کاروونکي ۱۳۸۰ ځله پوسټ کوي. ټول هشټګونه د فبروري په ۲۶ کې لوړ شوي او ورته ورته منحني تعقیب شوي یو بل احتمالي نښه چې فعالیت عضوي نه و دا د یادولو وړ ده چې ډیری کاروونکو په ورته پوسټ کې ټول درې ټګونه کارولي کوم چې به د ورته منحلاتو المل شي. نور ټاګونه هم د خورا مشهور هشټاګونو تر څنګ څرګند شول. ۵ شکل: د پښتو هشټګ #تصفیوي_عملیات_دامنیت_په_پار او نورو ټګونو کارول چې د پوسټونو سره کارول کیږي. ۶ شکل : د انګلیسي هشټګ کارول #ClearingOperationIsforSecurity او نور ټګونه چې د پوسټونو سره کارول کیږي. ۷ شکل: د دري هشټګ #عملیات_تصفیوی_جهت_تأمین_امنیت او نورو ټګونو کارول چې د پوسټونو سره کارول کیږي. د رادار پورتنۍ رسمي کمپاین په دقت سره جوړ شوي منځپانګې سره چې د نظم ملاتړ او بریالیتوب داستان ته وده ورکوي د طالبانو پلوه حسابونو لخوا د هشټاګونو کارولو له لارې پراخ شوی د نسبتا پیچلي ارتباطي هڅې ښکارندوی کوي. پداسې حال کې چې مخابرات تر هغه وخته پورې نه و متحرک شوي چې د عملیاتو پیل کیدو وروسته او د منفي تبلیغاتو کچه آنلاین رامینځته شوې وه هغه وخت او سرعت چې کمپاین یې ترسره شوی و وړاندیز کوي چې دا د پیښو په وړاندې د خالص عکس العمل پرځای پلان شوی و. دا په ګوته کوي چې د مخابراتو اداره کول او د کور کور پلټنو شهرت اغیزې احتمال د پالن کولو په پروسه کې په پام کې نیول شوي. دا د حیرانتیا خبره نه ده په دې شرط چې په ټولنیزو رسنیو او ارتباطاتو کې د طالبانو تحرک په ښه توګه مستند شوی دی. دغې ډلې مخکې بي بي سي ته ویلي وو چې څنګه یې د ټولنیزو رسنیو ټیم د طالبانو د هشټاګونو د رجحان ترلاسه کولو او په واتس اپ او فیسبوک کې د پیغامونو د خپرولو لپاره وقف شوي ګروپونه کار کوي. د اګست په میاشت کې، کله چې طالبانو کابل ونیولو، دوی د ټولنیزو رسنیو یو پراخ کمپاین پیل کړ چې په ځمکنیو عملیاتو کې د دوی د نظامي عملیاتو تر څنګ ودریږي دا پیژندنه چې طالبان د کورنیو او نړیوالو انګیرنو اداره کولو کې د ډیجیټل اړیکو ارزښت او اهمیت پوهیږي. راپور ورکونکی: افغان وتنس. 11 Mar 2022

Violence behind a screen: rising online abuse silences Afghan women Social media has provided a crucial platform for Afghan women since the Taliban takeover, but a new investigation by Afghan Witness reveals how those who dare to speak out are facing a torrent of abuse online. The impacts are devastating for women’s political participation – both online and off. 19 Nov 2023 Below is a summary of our findings. Scroll to the bottom of the page to download the full investigation (PDF file). Since the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, Afghan women have faced severe restrictions on their rights, from their access to education and employment to their freedom of movement and dress. With street protests often suppressed, social media platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) have emerged as increasingly vital spaces for Afghan women to express their views, establish communities, and campaign for their rights. Crucially, these platforms have enabled activists and members of civil society to communicate causes to an international audience. But these digital spaces are not risk-free: this rise in women's online advocacy is accompanied by an increase in online abuse and harassment which is impacting women's online participation and – even worse – their lives. This is just one of the findings of a recent investigation by Afghan Witness (AW) into online gendered hate speech targeting politically engaged Afghan women. Building on expertise gained from similar research in Myanmar, the AW team collected and analysed over 78,000 posts written in Farsi/Dari and Pashto which targeted politically engaged Afghan women between June 1, 2021 – December 31, 2021, and in the same period in 2022. The team also carried out interviews with Afghan women to gain deeper insight into the nature of the online abuse they experience, and the impact it’s having on their lives. The report’s findings reveal how online abuse is having a “chilling effect” on women’s online participation and is impacting women “on a personal, societal and professional level.” A tripling in abusive posts The investigation reveals a staggering rise in online hate against these women, citing a 217% increase – or a tripling – in posts containing gendered hate speech and abuse terms and the names of prominent Afghan women from the June – December period in 2021 and the same period in 2022. The abuse was also overwhelmingly sexualised: investigators found that over 60% of the posts in 2022 contained sexualised terms used to target Afghan women, with an 11.09% increase in such terms from 2021 to 2022. Afghan women revealed to investigators how they received direct messages including pornographic content, sexually explicit photos and threats of sexual assault, rape, and death. Investigators saw how women were frequently targeted with narratives of prostitution and promiscuity, as well as accused of being ‘agents of the West’, or of fabricating claims to secure asylum abroad. Online abuse “creates false narratives and mindsets” about politically engaged women, one interviewee said, adding: “if you are an active woman and have a presence on social media, you are seen as a prostitute.” As well as gendered and sexual abuse, the investigation revealed how politically engaged Afghan women were targeted with religious, political, and ethnic abuse. Investigators frequently saw ethnic slurs amongst the abusive comments, as well as false claims and examples of gendered disinformation – spread with the intention of humiliating, discrediting and undermining the women. While investigators identified examples of perpetrators from a range of political affiliations, ethnic groups, and backgrounds, they found that low-ranking Taliban and pro-Taliban social media users were most often behind abusive posts. Since the report’s completion, AW has also uncovered more recent examples of this, such as when exiled Afghan women’s rights activist Tamana Paryani – now based in Germany – was targeted with online abuse by seemingly pro-Taliban social media accounts after she organised a hunger strike calling for recognition of ‘gender apartheid’ in Afghanistan. Offline events driving online abuse A qualitative deep-dive into the data led investigators to notice that spikes in abuse corresponded with several political developments and real-world events. Analysis indicates that before and during the Taliban’s takeover, spikes in gendered hate speech coincided with major advancements the Taliban were making in the country, while spikes during the second half of 2021 and 2022 were usually connected to the group’s restrictions on women’s dress, access to public spaces and educational rights. When Afghan women took to the streets to protest for their rights, investigators detected a surge in abuse online, with female protesters and campaigners often the main targets. This association between the online and offline is also true when it comes to the impacts of online abuse. Interviewees mentioned that they feel their online and offline worlds are intertwined, with some telling AW that they avoided real-life interactions as they feared their physical safety was at risk. One interviewee told investigators, “I think the hatred they show on social media does not differ from what they feel in real life, and if they face you, they will show the same hatred.” Online abuse was also found to impact women’s family relationships, including strengthening male family members’ authority over women’s behaviour and clothing, with concerns that online abuse could lead to “inter-familial violence”. This abuse is having a devastating impact on women’s mental health – interviewees said they felt fear, anxiety, stress and low self-esteem after experiencing abuse online, with one woman describing such messages as “psychologically traumatic”. Women told investigators how they minimised or self-censored themselves on social media to reduce the risk of backlash and negative comments. For some women, this had consequences for their professional lives – for example, one female journalist told AW how she had to close some of her social media accounts and stopped reading comments, resulting in less access to online sources and information than her male counterparts. Who to blame? Pinpointing the exact cause of rising gendered hate speech against Afghan women is difficult – though there is likely a combination of factors at play. The Taliban have severely curtailed women’s rights and freedoms since returning to power, likely contributing to a culture of impunity when it comes to gendered violence – both online and offline. However, the investigation also notes that even before the Taliban’s takeover, online abusers acted with impunity as the former government lacked the institutions and procedures to counter online abuse and violence against women – in some cases, women were even ridiculed for complaining to the police. Others will instead point fingers at social media companies. Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter in 2022 has been contentious; Musk promised to turn X (formerly Twitter) into a safe space where people can talk freely, but according to AW’s investigation, this promotion of “free speech” could mean some users have become “more inclined to spread gendered hate speech and abuse against women.” Researchers looking into other forms of hate speech, such as antisemitism, came out with similar findings . AW’s investigation notes that weak moderation could also be to blame, however – media reports have detailed how the platform is leaning heavily on automation to moderate content, with an emphasis on “freedom of speech, not freedom of reach”. This means the platform might not be removing posts that violate the company’s policies but simply making them harder to find. Looking to the future To address this rise in online abuse, investigators held a focus group with the women interviewed for the research. A recommendations paper published alongside the investigation offers several recommendations to address online abuse and gendered hate speech. These recommendations include further research on online gendered violence, increased education and awareness to strengthen women’s digital safety, and the creation of a network or alliance so that women have a safe space to speak out about their experiences of online abuse and can collaborate on initiatives to promote a healthier online environment. The paper also highlights a need for social media platforms to take more steps to protect women online, however, emphasising that platforms need to be more responsive in tackling hate speech and the broader culture of impunity, as well as in deactivating abusive accounts. The recommendations paper also underlines a need for platforms to expand capabilities when it comes to dealing with language blindspots, so that hate speech in regional languages and dialects can be monitored and dealt with more efficiently. AW’s findings signal a need to address online violence against Afghan women. Without change, such abuse threatens to become an even bigger obstacle to Afghan women’s political participation and their engagement in public life. As interviews with Afghan women reveal, the abuse they face online has offline consequences – such rhetoric helps encourage and normalise violent attitudes towards women, both behind a screen, and in real life. The investigation is comprised of the following parts: Summary/capping paper Part I: Qualitative report Part II: Quantitative report Recommendations paper GHS_Capping paper .pdf Download PDF • 468KB Afghan Witness - TFGBV - Part I - Qualitative Report .pdf Download PDF • 1.31MB Afghan Witness - TFGBV - Part II - Quantitative Report .pdf Download PDF • 1.13MB Afghan WItness - TFGBV - Recommendations .pdf Download PDF • 151KB Share

Protests in Nuristan over ‘mistreatment and discrimination’ AW records indicate this is the first protest in Nuristan province. 23 May 2023 On May 16, 2023, Afghanistan International shared a video showing a large crowd protesting against the Taliban in Nuristan province. Tajudeen Soroush, their senior International Correspondent, also shared additional footage of the protest, which showed a large crowd surrounding a Taliban vehicle and remonstrating with the occupants. The protests purportedly occurred on May 13 and reportedly resulted in clashes between the local population and the Taliban. Although some of the footage seemed to show aggressive behaviour from protestors, no injuries or victims were reported. According to various posts from Afghanistan International , the demonstrations were reportedly organised by Pashayi tribesmen in the Nurgaram district of Nuristan province and opposed alleged Taliban mistreatment and ethnic discrimination under the local Taliban commander, Maulvi Saadullah. The man speaking in the video claimed that the residents had faced mistreatment and unlawful arrests by the Taliban. Another video showed a crowd of residents gathering and chanting slogans against a group of Taliban. As seen in the video, the residents raised complaints about the alleged ethnic prejudices and the torture of employees of the former government. Panjshir Province News , an Afghan media outlet, also shared the recording and remarked that the people of Afghanistan do not want the Taliban and their “ humiliation, cruelty, and oppression ”. The videos showed a large number of civilians protesting against the Taliban. The protests mark the first verified unrest in Nuristan province since the Taliban's rise to power in August 2021. As seen below, three recorded videos were verified and geolocated by AW investigators to Nurgaram city in the Nurgaram district, Nuristan province. Figure: Geolocation of user-generated content shared on Twitter, showing a confrontation between the Taliban and local men in Nurgaram, Nuristan province [34.961505, 70.390606] According to the United Nations, 85% of the Afghan population is estimated to live below the poverty line since the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021. Increasing economic, humanitarian, and human rights crises have the potential to combine and foment negative sentiment towards the Taliban. While AW has recorded numerous protests since the Taliban takeover, these have largely been organised and centred on Afghan women and the restrictions they face. In May, other general protests and poppy eradication clashes were recorded by AW, indicating the potential for localised protests on community-focused issues, particularly relating to livelihood or economic pressures and perceived discrimination under the Taliban. Share

ISKP claim explosion outside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs In an image and video shared on social media, AW investigators visually confirmed at least 16 victims of the attack. 12 Jan 2023 At around 16:00 local time on January 11, 2023, an explosion was reported in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) in the centre of Kabul. AW investigators verified that the explosion occurred near the front gate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, across from the Ministry of Information and Culture, near Malik Azghar Square, Police District 2, Kabul city centre. Various [WARNING: GRAPHIC] images of the aftermath of the explosion shared on social media confirm the location and the extent of the damage caused by the blast. Figure: Geolocation of image showing the explosion's aftermath in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs gate, with nine visible casualties. Police District 2, Kabul city centre [34.524803, 69.174576] According to Rateb Noori, an Agence France-Presse (AFP) staff member, a meeting with a Chinese delegation was underway within the ministry compound at the time of the explosion. A news article shared by AFP on Twitter claimed that Muhajer Farahi, the Deputy Minister of Information and Culture, in a conversation with AFP, said, “ There was supposed to be a Chinese delegation at the Foreign Ministry today, but we don't know if they were present at the time of the blast ”. Although other journalists online reported the same, there was no evidence of the presence of Chinese nationals within the MFA grounds. According to Ahmad Muttaqi, the Deputy Director of the Office of Public & Strategic Affairs, who claimed to be at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the time of the explosion, a suicide bomber tried to enter the ministry but was discovered by Taliban security forces at the gate where he detonated the device. He stated, “There were no other foreign nationals or foreign gatherings”. The Chinese government held a press conference with the spokesperson for the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Wang Wenbin. In the footage , shared online by China Daily, a news agency owned by the Chinese Government, an AFP journalist stated that “ there was supposed to be a Chinese delegation at the MFA [on January 11, 2023] ” and asked if there were any Chinese nationals among the victims. However, Wenbin did not clarify if a delegation was within the MFA grounds but stated that “ no Chinese national was killed or injured in the incident ”. RFI, a French news agency, talked to a ministry employee who claimed they were near the explosion site at the time of the blast. The witness, who remained anonymous, said that a man stopped his car in front of the MFA entrance claiming he had a flat tyre. Once the employees of the MFA left the gates, the man reportedly blew himself up. Analysis of the [WARNING: GRAPHIC] image showing the aftermath of the incident seems to indicate that the explosion was likely caused by either a Person-Borne Improvised Explosive Device (PBIED) or a place explosive [e.g. a large bag carrying explosives]. As highlighted in the image below, a blast marker can be seen on the ground in the centre of the road, in front of the ministry gate. Figure: The blast mark is visible on the ground in the centre of the road, in front of the ministry gate, indicating the possible origin of the blast. The pattern seen above indicates the blast's origin; however, due to the image's quality, it is not possible to conduct a full analysis. No damaged vehicle is visible in the images, ruling out a Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device (VBIED) or a mine set off by a moving vehicle. Ahmad Muttaqi’s claim , the witness who talked to the Rfi news agency, and AW’s analysis of the area indicate that a suicide bomber carried and detonated explosives. According to Khalid Zadran, the Kabul police spokesperson, the explosion killed five civilians. However, visual evidence suggests that the number is much higher. AW investigators visually confirmed at least 16 victims of the attack using an [WARNING: GRAPHIC] image and [WARNING: GRAPHIC] video . Stefano Sozza, Director of Emergency NGO, an organisation that provides medical aid in Afghanistan, claimed in a video that their hospital received 47 victims from the explosion. Three were dead on arrival. Furthermore, Sozza claimed that 19 were in critical condition with “ injuries, mainly to the abdomen, the chest and the head ”. This information also supports evidence that a suicide bomber was responsible for the explosion, as the impact was off the ground, on a level consistent with a person wearing an explosive vest. On January 12, 2023, Mukhtar Wafayee, a journalist for the Independent Persian, shared a list containing the names of 16 people that died due to the blast. According to the information provided, most of the victims were staff members of the MFA, among them professionals in the finance department, IT department, and cultural relations department. Abdul Haq Hammad, a Director of Media Monitoring at the Taliban’s Ministry of Information and Culture, also confirmed the death of at least one Taliban member called Shaheed Zahid, who, according to an online statement , was guarding the MFA gate at the time of the explosion. However, it is not clear how many of the victims were Taliban members and how many were civilians. On the same day, Amaq, an Islamic State-affiliated news agency, published an article with a photo of the alleged attacker. The fighter, identified as Khaibar Kandahari, was depicted in front of the group’s flag, which contained distinctive embroidery, a feature not commonly seen on ISKP flags. The style is not dissimilar to embroidery used by the Kandahari people, as highlighted below. Figure: Alleged ISKP fighter responsible for the attack in front of the MFA in front of an Islamic State flag containing embroidery, commonly found in Kandahar, as seen on the right. The group claimed the attack on Telegram, stating: “ By the grace of Allah Almighty, one of the martyrdom knights, the brother (Khaibar Kandahari) -may Allah Almighty accept him- set towards the foreign ministry of the Taliban militia in the middle of Kabul city, who was able to pass through all security barriers of the militia, and then detonated his explosive belt amongst the gathering of the employees and security guards, while they were leaving the main gate, which resulted in the killing of 20 of them including some diplomats, and injured dozens more, Praise be to Allah Almighty .” Figure: ISKP claimed the attack against MFA government workers on their Telegram channel. Their statement confirms the explosion was carried out by a suicide bomber near the MFA gates when government workers were leaving the premises. Various attacks targeting government workers have been reported in Kabul in the last year, some of which were later claimed by ISKP. The city centre and Shahre Naow areas of Kabul [PD2 and PD4], where many government offices are located, have not seen large-scale ISKP activity under the Taliban until recently. Share

Taliban raid hideout in Kart-e-Naw, Kabul, amid fears of pending attack This was the second raid on an alleged ISKP hideout in Kabul in 2023 - and comes at a time when several embassies and international organisations have suspended operations or evacuated staff over concerns of a large-scale attack. 16 Feb 2023 On February 13, several social media accounts reported explosions and gunfire in the Kart-e-Naw area (PD8) of Kabul city. The Kabul police spokesperson, Khalid Zadran, and the spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, Zabihullah Mujahid, released a statement regarding the incident. Both claimed that an undisclosed number of ISKP members were killed as a result of an operation on their hideout in PD8, adding that among this “important group of Kharijites ” were “ foreign nationals” who were “ involved in the recent attacks in Kabul ”. On February 14, the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) released a video of the raid of the alleged ISKP house. The footage contained various aerial views of the area as the GDI forces approached the residence prior to the special operation. Tolo News also published a video showing the damage to the residence after the raid. That footage, coupled with the video of the raid released by the GDI, allowed AW investigators to geolocate the property in an upmarket area of Kart-e-Naw, PD8, near Police Station 4, as seen below. Figure: Geolocation of the alleged ISKP hideout raid in Kabul’s PD8, on February 13, 2023 [34.501285, 69.221235] The video shared by the GDI shows Taliban forces actively firing on the alleged ISKP hideout, and there is no visible return fire. Towards the end of the confrontation, the Taliban throw an explosive device into the building, collapsing the entire front section, as seen in the sequence of events below. Figure: Sequence of events showing the magnitude of the explosion in the building after a Taliban soldier threw an explosive device through the window. According to the GDI’s statement , the special operation resulted in the killing of three alleged ISKP members and the capture of one other. Various pro-Taliban social media accounts shared similar claims with the photo of the captured alleged ISKP member. In addition to sharing photos of the captured man, various pro-Taliban accounts were also observed using the “#خوارج_ووژنئ” hashtag, which translates to “Kill the Khawarij”. AW investigators verified the presence of four bodies at the scene. AW found no evidence of the deceased being associated with ISKP, and no weapons were visible. A pro-Taliban Twitter account with 15.5k followers shared photos of the bodies of the alleged ISKP members after the raid in Kabul’s PD8. They appear to be in a similar condition as previously seen in Kabul raids, covered in debris due to the force of the attack and with various gunshot wounds to the body. A Twitter user shared a photo of a male victim from the raid, identifying him as Abu Muawiya al-Shishani, who the account says “ came from Syria three months ago and said that his only wish is to be martyred in a face-to-face battle with the Taliban .” The nom de guerre of ‘Al-Shishani’ means ‘from Chechyna’, although the angle of the image makes it difficult to confirm whether he is Chechen in appearance. AW investigators were not able to verify the identity of any of the victims or their possible allegiance to the ISKP. The Afghanistan Liberation Movement, a resistance group allegedly comprised of ex-government security forces, shared an audio message from a Taliban WhatsApp group alongside the photo of the captured male. In the recording, a male voice says: “ ... Here in PD8 of Kabul, some Daesh members are surrounded. One was captured alive, and another one detonated himself…Some were captured alive, and I hereby send you the picture of one of the arrested Daesh members. ” AW investigators confirmed that one of the deceased has injuries consistent with an explosion at close range. This raid was the second on an alleged ISKP hideout in Kabul in 2023. On January 4, 2023, the Taliban spokesperson reported a similar special operation in PD8. Numerous photos showed various dead bodies of the alleged ISKP members. One of the bodies appeared to have been a minor. Three of the victims were identified by Taliban members on the scene as Uzbek; however, there was no evidence of association with the ISKP. Figure: Location of alleged ISKP hideouts in PD 8 raided in 2023. January 4, 2023 [34.491402, 69.217298], and February 13, 2023 [34.501285, 69.221235]. In both raids, the Taliban spokesperson claimed that the groups had been behind large recent attacks against civilians in Kabul, some of which targeted foreign nationals. The latest raid comes at a time when several Embassies and international organisations have suspended operations or evacuated staff over concerns of a large-scale ISKP attack. Share

​ ​ 26 Apr 2023

"I have no aspirations for the future" - female university students on Taliban restrictions AW talks to five female students about the reality of attending university as women in the ‘new’ Afghanistan. 25 Mar 2022 Image: Michael Foley When the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan last August, they assured the international community that things would be different to their last stint in power in the 1990s - when women were banned from education and work. This time, the group claimed women’s rights would be respected - but within the framework of their interpretation of islamic law. Last year, after the usual summer break, universities and high schools across Afghanistan remained shut, sparking fears that girls and women would once again be barred from learning. While some high schools reopened for boys in the months that followed, it wasn't until February that universities opened their doors again, but with strict rules for female students. Afghan Witness (AW) spoke to five female students at public universities in Kabul, Balkh, Baghlan and Samangan provinces, who said that the restrictions, coupled with a lack of professors to teach classes, has negatively affected their morale, as well as the quality of their education. The names of all interviewees in this article have been changed. Male and female students segregated In September , the Taliban’s higher education ministry announced that women would be allowed to study at university, but not alongside men. The decision marked a change from the accepted practice before the Taliban’s return, where men and women co-studied. The interviewees told AW that regulations now mean female students attend classes from 8:00 am to 11:15 am, while male students come between 11:30 am and 3:30 pm. To ensure there is no mingling, the Taliban have placed ‘special guards’ at some of the universities’ gates. “Two Taliban guards along with a dog chase the girls and make them leave the campus before boys enter the university,” says Sajida, a student at Kabul University. “Neither the female lecturers nor the students are allowed to leave the university out of the specified time slot, even if they seriously need to leave,” adds Laila, who studies at Samangan University. Tamana, a student from Balkh University, describes the guards as “ill-mannered”. She says they shout at female students for the slightest “mistakes” and accuse them of promiscuity. “If it was not my last year and I was not about to graduate, I would not go back to university,” Tamana says. No selfies Movement within the university campus is also restricted according to Sajida, who says students are warned through letters to refrain from wandering outside of classes. “The authorities send official letters almost every day ordering female students not to walk in the campus, not to commute to the shops and canteens, and many other restrictions,” Nargis from Baghlan University says. AW also heard from interviewees that students have been notified not to take photos and selfies within the university campus. Laila says students at Samangan University have been informed that they will soon be required to leave their phones at home. “We have been told that from the next semester, we will need to strictly abide by all the rules and will not be allowed to take our mobile phones with us." Strict dress code Female students at some universities have been ordered to adhere to stringent regulations concerning hijab, while in others, authorities have not issued any official rules but organise meetings with department heads and show up to classes asking female students to adhere to the Islamic Hijab - the Taliban’s interpretation of which remains unclear, as many Afghan women already wear headscarfs. “We were told to wear long black dresses, but we resisted,” says Tamana. “On my first day attending the university, we were in class when we heard a girl screaming loudly. We wondered what had happened, but neither our lecturer nor we were allowed to check on the girl and see what the matter was. We later found out that she was being punished for not complying with the authorities' rules on hijab.” Sajida tells AW that the Taliban authorities often warned them through their department and faculty officials that if they did not observe 'full hijab', they would close the universities to female students again. Laila from Samangan University says that the Taliban authorities had told them to wear long black robes, completely cover their faces - including eyes - and not to wear high heels and colourful clothing. Brain drain In theory, these regulations mean that female lecturers should be assigned to teach women, but in practice, this is not possible as Afghanistan is facing a ‘brain drain’. Not only have female lecturers left the country, but male lecturers too. Last month, the BBC reported that 229 highly qualified lecturers and professors from Afghanistan’s three major universities, including Kabul, had left the country since the Taliban takeover. Due to the shortage, the Taliban have been forced to allow some male teachers to be temporarily assigned to teach female students. In September, Higher Education Minister Abdul Baqi Haqqani claimed there are enough female teachers available and that alternatives will be found when this is not the case. "It all depends on the university's capacity," he said. "We can also use male teachers to teach from behind a curtain, or use technology." To fill the shortage, the Taliban have also recruited new lecturers, mostly those with less or no experience to replace those who have left. “The newly appointed lecturers are not experienced enough and are mostly absent. They only show up on examination days,” says Tamana. According to Mina, who studies at Kabul University, around twenty top lecturers of one faculty in Kabul university had abandoned their position and left Afghanistan in recent months. Nargis from Baghlan university echoes this, saying her entire faculty now has only two female lecturers. Low attendance, low morale While the reopening of universities has been long-awaited, students returning to their classes last month found they were not the same. In addition to the absence of many lecturers, AW was told that student attendance rates were also low compared to before, with some students lacking motivation for their studies. “Many teachers have left, others are not paid, or paid less, so we don’t see any seriousness in our studies,” says Laila from Samangan university. “There are few teachers [but] much pressure and restrictions. They have turned the university into a military camp, controlling every move we make and warning they will close down the university if they see us without Hijab,” says Sajida. Several of the students AW talked to mentioned classmates dropping out or delaying their studies due to their families being scared, or because of the Taliban’s restriction on travel for females, which means that women must have a chaperone to travel distances over 72 km. Despite the Taliban suggesting their rule would be ‘softer’ this time around, restrictions so far suggest otherwise, and while women are able to study, the quality of the education they receive, and the environment they receive it in, has left many female students with little hope. “I have no aspirations for the future under this regime,” says Tamana. “We women have no career prospects under the Taliban regime.” Share

طالبانو په هرات کې د اختطاف کوونکو جسدونه ځړولي، لږترلږه د یو په اړ ادعا کړې چي د پخواني حکومتي امنیتي پرسونل وه د افغان وتنس د خلاصې سرچینې استخباراتي ټیم د ادعا شوي تښتونکو درې جسدونه په جغرافیه کې ځای پر ځای کړي چې په عامه توګه د طالبانو لخوا ښودل شوي، او همدارنګه یې د وژل شوي یو کس له ملګري سره خبرې کړې چې د راپور له مخې پخوانی افغان پوځي پرسونل دی خبرداری دا مقاله ګرافیک توضیحات لري، په دې کې د ځړول شویو جسدونو عکسونه هم ښودل شوي، چې افغان شاهدانو د سانسور لپاره هڅې کړې دي. د طالبانو د سرچینو په وینا، د فبرورۍ په ٢١ مه ماښام په هرات ښار کې د جګړې په ترڅ کې درې تنه تښتوونکي ووژل شول، د درېو تنو تښتوونکو جسدونه بیا د ښار په بېلابېلو برخو کې ځړول شوي او د ۲۴ ساعتونو لپاره په عام محضر کې ښودل شوي دي. افغان وتنس د طالبانو له خوا د وژل شویو دریو تنو اختيتافچيانو ښودل شويي جسدونه جاي موندلي دي. لومړی جسد د بکر اباد په څلورلارې کې، دویم یې د کندهار څلورلارې په دروازه کې او دریم کس د ګلې چوک ته څېرمه له کرین ځړول شوی دي. پورته اول شکل، د افغان وتنس جغرافیایي موقعیتونه چیرې چې دوه جسدونه په هرات کې ځړول شوي. دوهم شکل: جغرافیایي موقعیت د هرات د بکر اباد چوک په توګه پیژندل شوی. دريم شکل: جغرافیایی موقعیت د هرات د کندهار چوک د دروازې په توګه پیژندل شوی. أفغان وتنس همچنان د دریم جسد جغرافيايي موقعيت کړی چې په هرات کې چوک ګله ته نږدې د کرین څخه ځړول شوی وه. چلورم شکل: د هرات چوک ګله ته نژدی جغرافيائی موقعیت، چیرته چې دریم جسد په عامه توګه د کرین څخه ښکاره شوي وه. پنزم شکل: د هرات چوک ګله ته نژدی جغرافيائی موقعیت، چیرته چې دریم جسد په عامه توګه د کرین څخه ښکاره شو. د ټولنیزو رسنیو د پوسټونو او د طلوع نیوز د یوه خبریال له مخې، لږ تر لږه د طالبانو له خوا په وژل شویو تښتونکو کې یو یې د افغان ملي اردو پخوانی پوځي کارکوونکی وه، د ټولنیزو رسنیو پوسټونه چې د هغه سړي نوم محبوب شاه نوموي په پوځي یونیفورم کې د هغه عکسونه شامل دي. افغان وتنس د محبوب له ملګرو او يو جورنالست سره چې اوس له هېواده بهر ژوند کوي خبرې کړې دي، چې دا تاییدوي چې محبوب په اردو کې دنده ترسره کړې او پخوا د هرات ولایت د پخواني والي امنیت په غاړه درلود، هغه د هرات په غوریان ولسوالۍ کې د افغان پوځ په یوه اډه کې د لوژستیک د مشر په توګه هم دنده ترسره کړې ده، دوی د طالبانو پر ادعاوو شک څرګند کړ چې کېدای شي هغه په ​​اختيتاف کې لاس ولري. پورته انځورونه محبوب په پوځي یونیفورم کې، د ټولنیزو رسنیو څخه اخیستل شوی (اول عکس، دوهم عکس) په ټول هیواد کې د پخوانیو دولتي امنیتي منسوبینو د ورکیدو او بې عدالتي وژنو راپورونه په مکرر ډول خپریږي. د تېر کال په نومبر میاشت کې د بشري حقونو د څار ادارې یو راپور اټکل کړی وچې د طالبانو له خوا د واک تر نیولو وروسته تر ۱۰۰ ډېر پخواني افغان امنیتي ځواکونه د طالبانو له خوا وژل شوي او یا هم ورک شوي دي. د بشري حقونو د څار ادارې زیاته کړه چې طالبانو د پخواني حکومت لخوا پاتې شوي د کار ریکارډونه هم کارولي ترڅو د نیولو او اعدام لپاره خلک وپیژني. په هرصورت دا غیر معمولي ده چې د طالبانو مجازات په عامه توګه ترسره شي، پدې معنی چې د تایید لپاره ډیری وختونه محدود مواد شتون لري، د یادونې وړ ده چې وروستۍ ثابته شوې بېلګه یې هم په هرات کې د ۲۰۲۱ کال د سپټمبر په ۲۵ نېټه وه، چې طالبانو په عام محضر کې د دریو تنو جسدونه په کرینونو وځړول، افغان وتنس د پیښې جغرافیایي او تایید شوي ویډیوګانې او ګرافیک چې په هغه وخت کې د رسنیو لخوا پوښل شوې ول تصدیق كړل.

​ ​ 9 Mar 2023

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